news
Nduka Obaigbena, a congenital blackmailer and hustler, “lies without shame” Says Alake and Onanuga
Ordinarily, we consider it beneath us as well-bred media professionals to continue to engage in public spat with Mr. Nduka Obaigbena, a congenital blackmailer and hustler, especially in deference to ceasefire calls by well-meaning leaders and elders. The interventions followed our statement on Monday entitled “Obaigbena and His THISDAY/ARISE News’ Hypocritical Grandstanding On Public Morality”.
But we crave the indulgence of these well-meaning Nigerians to allow us respond to Obaigbena’s latest rambling, called a statement.
The largely diversionary composition was an attempt to deodorise his ethical problems.
Obaigbena tried to deflect attention from those pertinent issues we raised about ethics. There is nothing he said to creditably detract a jot from our accurate summation of his well-known perverse and ignoble approach to media practice over the years, a practice that continues to undermine the integrity of journalism profession in the country.
In his first statement attacking us, Obaigbena craftily attempted to mis-characterise as an attack on free speech, our principled stand against his blackmail to have Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu appear on Arise TV and its PDP sponsored Town Hall meetings.
In the second statement, he was still adamant that our candidate must attend his Town Hall debate, despite our stance that our candidate is already executing another communications strategy to reach the most important target: the Nigerian voters. We, repeat again: We will not make our candidate available to validate a scheme which, in the light of unassailable information at our disposal, is nothing but a racket by the Arise TV owner, designed to embarrass our candidate.
We now proceed to give a blow-by-blow response to Obaigbena’s latest very poor attempt at red-herring:
Rigmarole on Dasukigate:
How laughable that Obaigbena is now denying he was not in EFCC custody for receiving illicit funds from National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki. He attempted to rationalise that the money received was compensation for losses incurred by newspaper proprietors following the clampdown by security agents. But he craftily glossed over the meat of the matter: the grave misconduct to have the funds paid into the bank account of Hydrocarbon, a shell company (obviously set up for money-laundering) to which Obaigbena was the sole signatory. Since NPAN has bank accounts, why was the money not transferred there directly?
Moreover, the petty lie in Obaigbena’s statement was punctured by the joint disclaimer issued on 12 December 2015 by Tribune, New Telegraph and Peoples Daily in whose names he had collected money. The three newspapers said they did not receive a kobo.
His claim that he pocketed the chunk of the money received from Dasukigate as compensation for the alleged terrorist attack on his Abuja office is a laughable afterthought.
Rewriting June 12 story:
Contrary to Obaigbena’s lame attempt to rationalise his campaign against June 12 as action taken in furtherance of his membership of National Republican Convention (NRC), nothing can be further from the truth. His long story about sitting close to MKO Abiola on a London-Johannesburg flight begs the questions. He craftily sidestepped the issue of being recruited by the military regime to go on CNN to unconscionably declare “Abiola did not win any election”, shortly after NEC suspended the announcement of June 12 results. That dirty campaign was to prepare the grounds for the eventual annulment on June 23 of the election. If Obaigbena was pro-democracy as he falsely claims, why did he take up media consultancy work to Ernest Shonekan, the head of the Interim National Government, cobbled together by the junta to legitimise the illegality?
South African/London fiascos:
Obaigbena also tried to downplay the gravity of his misadventure in South Africa for which he had to flee, abandoning his office equipment and furniture till today. On one hand, he lied that it was President Nelson Mandela who asked that he set up the newspaper in South Africa because the dominant newspapers in the country were owned by the white establishment. On the other hand, he claimed that the same white establishment frustrated his venture. He forgot that when he floated ThisDay South Africa in 2003-4, a black President was in power!
Contrary to claims that he met a hostile environment, his habitual unethical practices gave him out. His business model of funding his newspapers and a champagne lifestyle from proceeds of blackmail rackets fell flat in South Africa where rules of a good society are rigidly enforced. To deceive advertisers, he inflated his circulation figures which the regulatory agency frowned at. Also, he owed printers and his workers. Gale of complaints against the “carpetbagger from Nigeria” soon reached the authorities and one official was quoted as famously saying, “You call yourself Thisday, very soon it will become That-day”. The prophecy came to pass with chilling accuracy soon after.
On his misadventure in London, Obaigbena disingenuously put it down to Forex crisis as if it happened this year or last year. The details of the judgment by the presiding judge were damning enough: Obaigbena lacks the personal honour and integrity to run any decent company.
His claim that his seven year directorship ban has been appealed is not the full story. He already lost one appeal at the Chancery in August.
Payment of salaries/pension:
Obaigbena tried to deflect his chronic indebtedness as something common in the media industry. It is an affliction peculiar to THISDAY/Arise which purports to make lots of money (as reflected by bumper advert patronage) but curiously still fails to pay workers as and when due. Even when the economy was relatively “good”, Obaigbena never paid workers regularly. His popular saying to staff, as well known in the industry, is that : “THISDAY/Arise ID card alone is your meal ticket”.
Such corrupt philosophy underlies the unethical practices in media companies run by Obaigbena.
A classic illustration of the untold hardship and dehumanization of his workers was provided by Mr. Paul Ibe, who is now the Special Adviser on Media to Alhaji Atiku Abubakar.
Obaigbena tricked Ibe to South Africa with mouth-watering offers. But Ibe ended up enduring hunger there before finding his way back to Nigeria. Following a suit filed at the National Industrial Court in 2011 (suit no NICN/ABJ/26/2011), Mr. Ibe was awarded damages against Obaigbena for backlog of salaries, non-remittance of taxes and pension deducted from his wages over the years and outstanding entitlement. Tens of other staff of Thisday have died due to lack of money for medical care while awaiting Obaigbena to pay them their entitlements.
Open partisanship/Mefy racket:
We observe too that Obaigbena disingenuously sidestepped the questions raised about employing the services of Dr Reuben Abati, a card-carrying member of PDP as anchor person on Arise TV, as well as Obaigbena’s multi-million Naira consultancy role in the ill-fated attempt by a sitting Central Bank governor, Godwin Emefiele to compete for APC’ presidential ticket.
These are weighty moral issues Obaigbena, with all his resourceful facilities to lie and dissemble, could not defend.
Again, we challenge him to deny if Abati wasn’t the running-mate of Senator Buruji Kashamu on PDP’s platform in the governorship contest in Ogun in 2019. Kashamu was a wanted drug lord in the US. Of course, the same Abati, who never allows any opportunity to pass without attacking Asiwaju Tinubu daily, would have been one of those Obaigbena would have lined up at his dubious Town Hall meetings to “interrogate” Tinubu! Such shameless, unethical practice!
Further, while pontificating on public morality, Obaigbena conveniently ignored the perversity of collecting hundreds of millions as “media consultant” to Godwin Emefiele, the occupant of a critical public office from which utmost sobriety and non-partisanship is expected. Through patronizing reportage in THISDAY/Arise, Emefiele was egged on to openly descend into the political arena and bid for the presidential ticket of APC in its last primaries in what is now commonly called the “Mefy racket”.
This has antecedents: Obaigbena was also “consultant” to President Jonathan as he was to Chief Ernest Shonekan. Whatever happened to journalism ethics?
The culture of media merchandising:
In a futile attempt to burnish his image, Obaigbena resorted to dropping the names of U.S. and UK leaders who had attended events staged by him. Dropping the names and pictures of these former Western leaders who attended paid-for-appearance ThisDay events as if they attended when serving in office, is another Obaigbena’s vainglorious clout chasing scheme to scam the public. He failed to disclose that the high-profile personalities who delivered keynote addresses at such events were handsomely paid from money he collected through media blackmail from captains of industries notably bank chiefs. To con the outside world, Obaigbena had boasted in an interview with New York Times that he had corporate fortune of $100m accruing to his company annually. But later, tax officials in Lagos could not reconcile those bogus claims with his tax records and non-remittance of taxes deducted from workers. It was so easy to expose his fake lifestyle.
Since Nduka Obaigbena introduced his blackmail and extortionist brand of journalism into Nigeria, generation of Bank CEOs, company Chief Executives, politicians and Governors from 1999 have suffered in silence, seeking liberation from oppressive journalism by intimidation. In 2009, Nduka Obaigbena raided Niger Delta states with his Thisday Entertainment’s packaged Niger-Delta Peace Concert. He coerced the Niger-Delta Governors then to contribute hundreds of millions of Naira with a promise to bring A-list pop stars such as Jay-Z and Beyonce to perform. After collecting the money the promised superstars didn’t show up. One of the governors was at the airport till almost midnight waiting to receive the superstars. These governors complained and suffered in silence because they were afraid of Nduka and his Thisday Newspaper which he has turned to instrument of oppression.
We took notice of Reuben Abati’s ramblings on Arise TV on his Wednesday Morning Show where he laboured in vain to defend his despicable record and perversions. Abati queried our statement that he is a registered member of PDP.
The query is rather for him. How did he become a deputy governorship candidate to the Late Senator Buruji Kashamu in 2019 without a membership of PDP as required by law?
We really do not expect much from Abati. He is a known pathological liar, who has lived on lies and deceit all his professional life. While he has successfully created the image of a conscientious public intellectual over the years, the fact is that he is a morally bankrupt man who has no scruples in selling his soul to the devil as long as money is involved.
Abati has very odious reputation within the corporate and political circles as “anything goes newspaper columnist” as long as the money is right.
Alake, Adviser, Media and Strategic Communication, and Onanuga, Director of Media and Publicity, sent the statement on behalf of All Progressives Congress (APC) Media and Communication Directorate
How the NEDC is attempting to turn years of devastation into a pathway for long-term development
By Michael Olukayode
For more than a decade, Nigeria’s North-East has remained a symbol of prolonged conflict and humanitarian collapse. The insurgency led by Boko Haram and its breakaway factions did far more than disrupt security—it dismantled entire communities, shattered economic systems, and altered the social and cultural foundations of a region once anchored by farming and cross-border trade.
The human cost has been staggering. More than 350,000 people are estimated to have died directly and indirectly from the conflict. Over 2.5 million individuals were forced from their homes, while at the height of the crisis, about 8.4 million people required urgent humanitarian support. Entire settlements across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe were destroyed, leaving behind a region marked by displacement and ruin.
A System Built from Collapse
The scale of destruction prompted the establishment of the North-East Development Commission (NEDC) in 2017 under former President Muhammadu Buhari. It was created not simply as a relief agency, but as a long-term institutional response to structural breakdown across an entire region.
Early post-conflict assessments placed the cost of destruction at over $9 billion. Infrastructure losses were extensive: thousands of homes were destroyed, more than 1,400 schools were damaged or completely wiped out, and in some areas over 70 percent of health facilities became unusable. The agricultural sector—long the backbone of the regional economy—collapsed almost entirely, deepening poverty and food insecurity.
To coordinate recovery, the Commission was tasked with implementing the North-East Stabilisation and Development Master Plan (NESDMP), a blueprint designed to move the region from emergency humanitarian response into structured reconstruction and sustainable development.
From Emergency Response to Large-Scale Reconstruction
Since beginning operations, the NEDC has implemented interventions worth hundreds of billions of naira, funded through federal allocations and supported by development partners.
Its activities span all six states of the region—Borno, Adamawa, Yobe, Bauchi, Gombe, and Taraba—where thousands of projects have either been completed or are ongoing.
Across its portfolio, the Commission has:
• Built and rehabilitated thousands of housing units for displaced families
• Executed more than 1,000 infrastructure projects, including roads, schools, and healthcare centres
• Distributed millions of relief items during peak humanitarian emergencies
• Supported agricultural programmes reaching hundreds of thousands of farmers
The Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of the Commission, Mohammed Goni Alkali, explained that the institution is now deliberately evolving its focus.
“We are transitioning from humanitarian interventions to sustainable development,” he said. “The priority is building systems that can endure beyond immediate recovery.”
He added that reconstruction must be understood beyond physical structures.
“It is not only about rebuilding infrastructure. It is about restoring livelihoods, rebuilding institutions, and restoring hope to communities,” Alkali said.
Gradual Return to Normalcy Across Communities
On the ground, signs of recovery are beginning to emerge across the region, though unevenly.
Large numbers of internally displaced persons have started returning to reconstructed communities, easing long-standing pressure on overcrowded camps. Schools that were destroyed or abandoned during the peak of the insurgency are being rehabilitated and reopened, restoring access to education for thousands of children.
Healthcare delivery has also improved, with rebuilt and newly equipped facilities expanding access, particularly in rural areas that were previously cut off. Road reconstruction projects are reconnecting isolated communities, improving movement, trade, and access to services.
The Governor of Borno State, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, acknowledged the role of the Commission in supporting recovery efforts.
“The NEDC has played a critical role in supporting the rebuilding of communities and restoring hope to our people,” he said.
Restoring the Economic Lifeline
Before the insurgency, agriculture was the dominant economic activity in the North-East, employing a large portion of the population. The conflict disrupted farming cycles, displaced rural communities, and left vast tracts of farmland abandoned.
Recovery efforts are now focusing on reversing that collapse. Through the distribution of seeds, fertilisers, and farming equipment, as well as investments in irrigation and dry-season farming, agricultural production is gradually resuming. Small businesses and cooperatives are also receiving support to stimulate local economies.
According to Alkali, economic recovery remains central to the Commission’s strategy.
“Without livelihoods, recovery cannot be sustained,” he said. “Economic empowerment is therefore at the core of our interventions.”
Moving Away from Long-Term Aid Dependence
One of the most significant shifts emerging in the region is the gradual transition from humanitarian dependency to self-reliance.
Although millions of people still require assistance, returning communities are increasingly rebuilding their own economic and social systems as stability improves.
Former United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria, Matthias Schmale, noted that recovery efforts are beginning to produce measurable improvements.
“There is clear evidence that living conditions are improving and that basic services are being restored,” he said.
Security Gains and Lingering Vulnerability
Despite notable progress in stabilisation, the North-East remains fragile. Military operations have significantly degraded insurgent capabilities, but sporadic attacks continue in some areas.
The Chairman of the Governing Board of the NEDC, Major General Paul Tarfa (rtd.), stressed that development must consolidate security achievements.
“Security gains must be reinforced with development initiatives. Only then can we achieve lasting peace,” he said.
Persistent Gaps in the Recovery Process
Even with extensive interventions, major challenges remain. Millions of residents are still dependent on humanitarian assistance, unemployment among young people remains high, and environmental pressures—including climate-related shocks—continue to threaten agricultural recovery.
In addition, funding limitations remain a key constraint, with the scale of needs far exceeding available resources.
The Managing Director acknowledged these gaps but reaffirmed the Commission’s commitment.
“The level of devastation is enormous, but we are committed to working with all stakeholders to deliver sustainable recovery,” Alkali said.
A Region Still in Transition
The North-East today exists in a complex state between crisis and recovery. It remains one of Nigeria’s most vulnerable regions, but also one of its most ambitious reconstruction theatres.
What is unfolding is a slow transformation: from destruction to rebuilding, from dependency to resilience, and from emergency survival to structured development.
Former United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria, Matthias Schmale, noted that recovery efforts are beginning to produce measurable improvements.
“There is clear evidence that living conditions are improving and that basic services are being restored,” he said.
Observing during his tenure in the country that: “The transition is visible, but sustaining it will require long-term investment and strong collaboration.”
Conclusion: Beyond Reconstruction
The work of the North-East Development Commission goes beyond rebuilding damaged infrastructure. It represents an attempt to reimagine post-conflict recovery at scale—linking humanitarian relief with long-term development planning.
From housing and healthcare to education and livelihoods, the foundations of a new regional reality are gradually taking shape.
Yet, as stakeholders consistently emphasise, the true measure of success will not be the number of projects completed, but whether the region can sustain stability, dignity, and opportunity over time.
In the North-East, the story of recovery is no longer only about survival.
It is about building a future that once seemed impossible—and ensuring it endures.
…Edun, Dangiwa exit FEC
…Darma named Housing minister-designate
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved a minor cabinet reshuffle, effecting changes in the membership of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) with the exit of two ministers and the appointment of replacements.
The decision, conveyed in a memo signed by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume, directed the immediate redeployment of portfolios to strengthen governance delivery.
According to a statement issued by Special Adviser to the SGF on Media and Publicity, Yomi Odunuga, Mr. Wale Edun has been relieved of his duties as Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy under the reshuffle.
He is to hand over to Mr. Taiwo Oyedele, who has now been elevated to the position from his previous role as Minister of State in the ministry.
Similarly, the Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Arc. Ahmed Musa Dangiwa, is to exit the cabinet, with the President naming Dr. Muttaqha Rabe Darma as ministerial nominee and minister-designate for the ministry.
The directive also mandates that Dangiwa hand over to the Minister of State in the ministry, pending Darma’s confirmation and assumption of office.
According to the memo, all handover and takeover processes are to be completed by close of business on Thursday, April 23, 2026.
Explaining the rationale for the changes, Akume said the reshuffle was designed to “strengthen cohesion, synergy in governance as well as achieve more impactful delivery on the economy to Nigerians, through the Renewed Hope Agenda.”
He added that the President exercised his constitutional powers under Sections 147 and 148 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) in effecting the changes.
The President expressed appreciation to the outgoing ministers for their service to the nation and wished them success in their future endeavours.
Akume further conveyed the President’s assurance to cabinet members that the process of reinvigorating the government would be continuous and in line with the administration’s policy objectives.
The Federal Government has filed a 13-count charge before the Federal High Court in Abuja against six individuals, including two retired senior military officers and a serving police inspector, over an alleged plot to wage war against Nigeria and commit acts of terrorism.
The defendants—retired Major General Mohammed Gana, retired Naval Captain Erasmus Victor, Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Goni, and Abdulkadir Sani—are scheduled to be arraigned on Wednesday, April 22, before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik.
Also listed in the charge, but said to be at large, is a former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva.
The charge, filed on Monday by the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation and signed by the Director of Public Prosecutions, Rotimi Oyedepo (SAN), accuses the defendants of offences ranging from treason and terrorism to failure to disclose security intelligence and money laundering linked to terrorism financing.
The prosecution alleged that the defendants conspired in 2025 “to levy war against the state to overpower the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” an offence punishable under Section 37(2) of the Criminal Code.
The Federal Government further alleged that the defendants had prior knowledge of a planned treasonable act involving one Colonel Mohammed Alhassan Ma’aji and others but failed to alert authorities.
According to the charge, the defendants, “knowing that a treasonable act was intended to be committed, did not give information thereof with all reasonable despatch to either the President… or a peace officer.”
They were also accused of failing to take preventive steps, as the charge stated that they “did not use any reasonable endeavours to prevent the commission of the offence.”
Beyond treason, the defendants are facing terrorism-related charges under the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022. Prosecutors alleged that they “conspired with one another to commit an act of terrorism in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”
Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim and Zekeri Umoru were specifically accused of attending meetings linked to the alleged plot, “in a bid to further a political ideology which may seriously destabilise the constitutional structure of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”
The charge also accused the defendants of providing support for terrorism, alleging that they “knowingly and indirectly rendered support” to facilitate acts of terror.
In addition, the prosecution alleged deliberate suppression of intelligence, stating that the defendants “had information which would be of material assistance in preventing the commission of the act of terrorism, but failed to disclose the information to the relevant agency as soon as practicable.”
On the financial aspect, several defendants were accused of handling funds linked to terrorism financing, in violation of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.
“indirectly retained the aggregate sum of N50,000,000, which forms part of the proceeds of an unlawful act, to wit: terrorism financing,” while Abdulkadir Sani allegedly retained N2m from a similar source.
Zekeri Umoru, according to the charge, “without going through a financial institution accepted a cash payment of the sum of N10,000,000,” and also retained an additional N8.8m suspected to be proceeds of terrorism financing.
Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim was also accused of taking possession of “the sum of N1,000,000, being part of proceeds of terrorism financing.”
The case is expected to test the Federal Government’s resolve to prosecute alleged threats to national security as proceedings commence before the Federal High Court in Abuja.
In October 2025, the Federal Government announced the cancellation of a ceremonial parade earlier scheduled to mark Nigeria’s 65th Independence Anniversary on October 1.
Days after the announcement, reports emerged linking the cancellation to an alleged coup plot. However, the Defence Headquarters dismissed the claims, insisting that the decision had no connection with any coup attempt.
Later that month, on October 31, authorities confirmed that 16 military officers had been arrested in the first week of October over the alleged plot, while two others were declared at large.
In January 2026, the Defence Headquarters confirmed that there was indeed a plan to overthrow President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
The Director of Defence Information, Samaila Uba, said investigations carried out in line with military procedures uncovered the involvement of some personnel in the alleged coup plot.
Uba added that those implicated would be arraigned before appropriate military judicial panels.
In March, family members of the detained officers appealed to President Tinubu to ensure that the suspects were tried in an open court.
At a press conference in Abuja, wives and relatives of the detained officers also demanded access to the accused, whom they described as alleged coup masterminds.
The agitation continued in April, as families of the detained officers staged a protest at the entrance of the National Assembly, calling for a speedy trial and improved access to their relatives in custody.
-
news6 years agoUPDATE: #ENDSARS: CCTV footage of Lekki shootings intact – Says Sanwo – Olu
-
lifestyle6 years agoFormer Miss World: Mixed reactions trail Agbani Darego’s looks
-
health5 years agoChairman Agege LG, Ganiyu Egunjobi Receives Covid-19 Vaccines
-
lifestyle5 years agoObateru: Celebrating a Quintessential PR Man at 60
-
health6 years agoUPDATE : Nigeria Records 790 new cases of COVID-19
-
health6 years agoBREAKING: Nigeria confirms 663 new cases of COVID-19
-
entertainment1 year agoAshny Set for Valentine Special and new Album ‘ Femme Fatale’
-
news11 months agoBREAKING: Tinubu swears in new NNPCL Board