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Update: Details of Supreme Court CTC Judgment – No evidence that 27 Rivers lawmakers defected; Court slammed Fubara for destroying the government of Rivers State over his fear of impeachment
Rivers people, Fubara backing Tinubu, says Sekibo
There is no evidence that the 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), the Supreme Court has held.
It found that Governor Siminalayi Fubara, who raised the allegation of defection, withdrew it when he retrieved all the documents he filed before the Federal High Court in Abuja.
The Supreme Court held that by failing to support his claim of defection with evidence, in the eyes of the law, no defection took place and consequently the status quo in the House of Assembly must remain.
Fubara had explained that he withdrew the processes after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brokered peace.
He insisted that the other parties did not withdraw theirs.
The Apex the governor for behaving like a despot by demolishing the House of Assembly complex and preventing the 27 lawmakers from sitting.
It said Fubara destroyed the government of Rivers State over his fear of impeachment
These are contained in Friday’s Apex Court judgment on the Rivers crisis. The Certified True Copy (CTC) was obtained by The Nation yesterday.
“In this case, the executive arm of the government has chosen to collapse the legislature to enable him to govern without the legislature as a despot.
“As it is, there is no government in Rivers State,” the Supreme Court held.
In the 62-page lead judgment read by Justice Emmanuel Agim, a clearer picture was painted as to why the justices affirmed Martin Amaewhule as the authentic Speaker.
The court held that the Constitution did not support Fubara’s recognition of four members as the authentic House of Assembly.
It said: “What is clear from the above concurrent findings is that the 8th respondent (Fubara) started the prevention of the sittings of the Rivers State House of Assembly constituted by the number of members as prescribed by Section 96 of the 1999 Constitution long before the issue of the remaining 27 members defecting to another political party arose.
“The said activities of the 8th respondent (Fubara) were adjudged by the concurrent holdings of the Court of Appeal in its judgment in Appeal No. CA/ABJ/CV/133/2024 as illegal and unconstitutional long before the allegation of defection started.
“Against the background of these concurrent findings and holdings in the Court of Appeal Judgment in Appeal No.CA/AB)/CV/133/2024, it is reasonable to conclude that the cross appellant’s reliance on Sections 102 and 109 of the Constitution and the doctrine of necessity is to continue his brazen subversion of the Rivers State House of Assembly, the 1999 Constitution and legitimate government in Rivers State.
“Having by his own admission engaged in a series of illegal activities just to prevent the other 27 members from participating in the proceedings of the House to carry out their legitimate legislative duties which they were elected to do, his resort to Sections 102 and 109 of the 1999 Constitution and the doctrine of necessity on the basis of his allegation that they have defected is a red herring to perpetuate his subversion of the Rivers State House of Assembly, the 1999 Constitution and democratic government in Rivers State.
“The eighth respondent (Fubara) had collapsed the Rivers State House of Assembly.
“Therefore no question about any member having lost his seat in that House due to defection can validly arise.
“There must be a House of Assembly for any constitutional processes therein to take place.
“The claim that the 27 members are no longer members of the House on the basis of an alleged defection is a continuation of his determination to prevent them from participating in the proceedings of the House. It is an engagement in chicanery.
“Sections 102 and 109 of the Constitution cannot be invoked in aid of this unconstitutional enterprise.”
According to the Supreme Court, a government cannot be said to exist without one of the three arms that make it up.
It added: “In this case, the executive arm of the government has chosen to collapse the legislature to enable him govern without the Legislature as a despot. As it is, there is no government in Rivers State.
“The doctrine of necessity cannot be invoked to justify the continued existence of a deliberately contrived illegal or unconstitutional status quo.
“It cannot be invoked to justify and protect the illegal actions of the eighth respondent and his despotic rule of Rivers State without a House of Assembly.
“It applies to genuine situations that were not contemplated in the provisions of the Constitution or any law, which situations require the taking of some legitimate extra-constitutional or extra-legal actions to protect the public interest.
“The eighth respondent’s fear of impeachment by the House Assembly is no justification for his attacks on the House of Assembly, the Constitution, the Government of Rivers State and the rule of law.
“Political disagreements cannot justify these attacks and contempt for the rule of law by the governor of a state or any person.
“What the eighth respondent has done is to destroy the government because of his fear of being impeached.
“The part of the judgment of the Court of Appeal, affirming the judgment of the Federal High Court in suit No. FHC/AB)/CS/984/2024 is hereby affirmed.
“The said judgment of the Federal High Court in suit No. FHC/AB)/CS/984/2024 is hereby restored.
“For the avoidance of doubt, it is hereby ordered that the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Accountant General of the Federation should forthwith stop releasing and paying to the Government of Rivers State, its organs, departments and officials any money belonging to Rivers State until an Appropriation Law is made by Rivers State House of Assembly constituted as prescribed by the 1999 Constitution.
“The Rt Honorable Martin Chike Amaewhule and the other 26 members should forthwith resume unhindered sitting as Speaker and members respectively of the Rivers State House of Assembly.
“The Rivers State House of Assembly Should resume sitting with all elected members forthwith,” the court said.
Yesterday in Port Harcourt, a former Minister of Transport, Senator Abiye Sekibo, said he and other leaders abandoned former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar to support President Bola Ahmed Tinubu because of Fubara.
Sekibo, known as a strong supporter of the former vice president and PDP presidential candidate in the 2023 election, stunned his audience in Port Harcourt when he said Fubara was able to convince them to leave Atiku for Tinubu.
Speaking as a special guest of honour before inaugurating the Borokiri Fire Service Station in Port Harcourt City Local Government rehabilitated by Fubara, Sekibo appealed to President Tinubu not to listen to persons telling him that the Rivers Governor was surrounded by Atiku’s loyalists.
Sending his message to President Tinubu, he said: “Mr President, our own President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, lend me your ears. We, the Rivers people, have always supported the government at the centre. We have always worked with the government at the centre.
“This governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has convinced Rivers people that they must stand with their President and we do stand with you.
“There might be persons telling you stories, especially when they see people like me, who were core Atiku men, they will say: ‘Don’t you see it is Atiku people that are with the governor’.
“There are also Atiku people that are with them there in Abuja. But the governor has convinced us that the place to be is to be with our President and Mr. President we stand with you. We stand with you because that is the right thing to do.
“The elections delivered you as our President and so we stand with you. The elections delivered this governor, our son, for the first time in 24 years.
“The Ijaw nation which is more than eight local government areas of Rivers State have an opportunity of having one of their own as the governor of this state. We stand with him, we have no choice.”
Abiye said Fubara through his work in Rivers has shown that he prioritises the interest of the people and the unity of the country.
He said at a time when the state’s funds were seized, he made sure that there was no problem in Rivers, kept essential services active and worked tirelessly to avoid creating any problem for the federal government.
He called on President Tinubu to support the governor, describing Fubara as an ally of the President.
“Standing by and working with Governor Siminalayi Fubara is the right thing to do and I urge you Mr. President to stand with Siminalayi Fubara.
“My dear people as we urge our President and the Federal Government to stand with our son, we all have a duty to rally around him and stand with him,” he said.
Abiye said Fubara assured him that he would comply with the Supreme Court judgment.
He said he was honoured that the governor chose him to inaugurate the rehabilitated Borokiri Fire Station.
Fubara said the purpose of government was to provide services to the people and protect lives and property.
“So, when we are doing those things that we are elected to do and we start showcasing them, sometimes it doesn’t make any sense.
“But you have to show the world what you are doing so that they will know that you are working. Some will commission boreholes and advertise them.
“But for us, we have chosen to showcase to the world a vital and most needed item of service,” he said.
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Drama in Rivers APC as Fubara and Tonye Cole Step Down from Governorship Primary
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Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has announced his withdrawal from the All Progressives Congress governorship primary election in the state.
Fubara made this known in a statement personally signed on Wednesday, saying he would support whoever emerges as the party’s candidate, The Nations reported.
The governor said his decision followed extensive consultations with his family, friends, and political associates.
“After deep reflection and extensive consultations with my family, friends, and associates, I have taken the difficult but necessary decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primaries. I do so with a full heart and with a firm commitment to support whoever emerges as the candidate of our great party,” Fubara said.
The development comes amid ongoing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections in Rivers State.
Fubara said although the decision was difficult, he remained committed to supporting whoever would emerge as the APC governorship candidate.
According to him, leadership demands sacrifice and personal ambition must sometimes give way to the collective interest of the people.
“Rivers State is bigger than any individual, and at this critical moment, the peace, stability, and unity of our dear state must take precedence over every personal interest,” he said.
Meanwhile, the embattled governor expressed appreciation to his supporters for their loyalty, prayers and sacrifices throughout the political process, acknowledging that many would feel disappointed by his withdrawal.
He said his silence in recent weeks was “deliberate and strategic,” adding that it was guided by the higher interest of the state.
Newsthumb had earlier reported that APC chieftain and 2027 governorship aspirant in Rivers State, Tonye Cole, also announced his withdrawal from the race, saying his decision was, among other reasons, in the interest of the party’s unity.
Fubara thanks Tinubu, dismisses cowardice
The governor hinted at undisclosed pressures surrounding the political process, saying: “As our elders say, not everything a hunter sees in the forest is spoken of in the marketplace.”
He added that some truths were best kept quietly “not out of fear, but out of wisdom and restraint for the sake of peace and a greater purpose.”
Fubara thanked the APC leadership for the opportunity given to him during the process and also expressed gratitude to President Bola Tinubu for his support and encouragement.
He urged party faithful to remain united and committed to the APC, describing the party as their “collective home.”
The governor, however, insisted that his withdrawal should not be interpreted as an act of weakness or surrender.
“I stepped aside not out of weakness, fear, or surrender, but out of conviction and sacrifice so that Rivers State may move forward in peace and unity,” he said.
Fubara also pledged to continue serving the people of Rivers State until the end of his tenure.
He further stated, “Leadership is ultimately about sacrifice. There comes a time when personal ambition must yield to the greater good of the people. Rivers State is bigger than any individual, and at this critical moment, the peace, stability, and unity of our dear state must take precedence over every personal interest.
“To my supporters who stood firmly with me throughout this journey who gave their time, resources, prayers, and unwavering hope, I offer my deepest gratitude. I understand the disappointment, the anger, and the pain many of you may feel.
“Much has indeed been invested and much sacrificed along the way. But please know that your loyalty and trust were never in vain. My silence over this period was deliberate and strategic, guided always by the higher interest of our state and our people.”
Our correspondence earlier reported that Fubara rose politically under the administration of his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike, serving as Accountant-General of Rivers State before emerging as the PDP governorship candidate and winning the 2023 election with Wike’s backing.
Shortly after assuming office, however, the relationship between both men collapsed over control of the state’s political structure, appointments and finances, leading to a bitter power struggle involving the Rivers State House of Assembly led by Speaker Martin Amaewhule, who remained loyal to Wike.
The crisis escalated when 27 lawmakers attempted moves seen as targeting Fubara, while the governor’s camp questioned their legitimacy after alleged defections.
The Assembly complex was later demolished and governance became paralysed as both camps traded court actions and political attacks.
In March 2025, President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending Fubara, his deputy and all lawmakers for six months, citing political instability and threats to governance and oil infrastructure.
During the suspension, retired naval chief Ibok-Ete Ibas was appointed sole administrator.
Fubara was later reinstated after political negotiations reportedly brokered by Tinubu, with conditions said to include working with the Amaewhule-led Assembly, maintaining peace with Wike’s camp and shelving immediate political confrontation ahead of 2027, although some reported terms — including speculation about reelection concessions — remained unofficial.
The House of Assembly saga remained central to the crisis, with repeated disputes over budget presentation, impeachment threats and Supreme Court rulings affirming the Amaewhule faction as the recognised Assembly leadership.
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APC Primary Crisis Deepens in Osun as Aspirants Accuse Party Leadership of Imposition, Manipulation, and Delegate Exclusion
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The All Progressives Congress (APC) primary election held on Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Ife Federal Constituency has sparked widespread controversy, with aggrieved aspirants and party stakeholders alleging massive irregularities and manipulation during the exercise.
The aspirants accused certain party leaders of compromising the credibility of the primary process, alleging that the exercise was hijacked by desperate political actors allegedly working under the influence of the Osun State APC Chairman, Hon. Tajudeen Lawal, popularly known as “Sooko.”
According to reports gathered from several wards and local government areas within the constituency, many party members and stakeholders were allegedly denied the opportunity to participate in what was expected to be a transparent, free, and fair election. The aggrieved members described the exercise as a deliberate attempt to impose a preferred candidate against the collective will of delegates and party faithful.
Several stakeholders further alleged widespread intimidation, manipulation, and exclusion of recognized party members during the exercise, a development they said has generated tension and dissatisfaction within the party.
The aggrieved aspirants reportedly described the primary as a “scam,” alleging that results and figures were arbitrarily allocated to candidates by the party leadership.
They also alleged that incidents of violence and thuggery characterized parts of the exercise across Ife Federal Constituency, claiming that such developments have raised concerns over fairness, transparency, and internal democracy within the Osun APC.
Some party members further recalled a similar controversy during the May 27, 2022, APC primary election in the constituency, alleging that the same pattern of irregularities occurred during that exercise.
Meanwhile, the aspirants maintained that the outcome of the disputed primary election has yet to receive official recognition from the National Secretariat of the APC, as several petitions and complaints have reportedly been submitted over the conduct of the exercise.
They also noted that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has not officially validated the disputed process, thereby raising further questions regarding the legitimacy and credibility of the primary election.
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Taiwan in the Crossfire of History, Law, and Power: A Feature Analysis of Competing Claims and the One-China Question
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By Michael Olukayode
The status of Taiwan remains one of the most enduring and strategically sensitive disputes in modern international relations — a question where history, law, identity, and geopolitics collide without easy resolution. It is not merely a territorial disagreement between Beijing and Taipei; it is a layered contest over legitimacy, sovereignty, and the meaning of statehood in a shifting global order.
Across recent scholarly salons and policy interventions in Africa and beyond — particularly the Abuja media salon hosted by the China General Chamber of Commerce in Nigeria — a striking convergence has emerged around the One-China Principle, even as interpretations of its implications remain sharply contested.
The Historical Fault Line: 1949 and the Birth of Two Political Realities
The modern Taiwan question originates in the Chinese Civil War, which ended in 1949 with the Communist Party of China establishing the People’s Republic of China on the mainland while the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) government retreated to Taiwan.
As Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim forcefully stated at the Abuja salon:
“Taiwan is not a sovereign entity, it has no independence and it is not a member of the United Nations.”
From Beijing’s perspective, this was not the creation of two states but the continuation of one China under different administrations.
This position aligns with the broader Chinese narrative repeatedly emphasized in diplomatic discourse, including the categorical assertion that:
“Taiwan has never been a country, was never one in the past, and will never be one in the future.”
Taiwan, however, evolved in a very different direction. Over decades, it developed into a functioning democratic polity with its own political institutions, elections, military structure, and constitutional governance.
This divergence produces what scholars describe as a central paradox: a de facto state operating with constrained de jure recognition, facing a sovereign claim from a rising global power.
The Legal Architecture: UN Resolution 2758 and Competing Interpretations
A cornerstone of Beijing’s argument is United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, which restored China’s seat at the United Nations in 1971.
At the Abuja salon, Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim insisted:
“This resolution has explicitly established… that there is only one seat for China in the United Nations, leaving no room for ‘two Chinas’ or ‘one China, one Taiwan’.”
From this perspective, Taiwan is not a separate subject of international law but part of China whose representation is subsumed under Beijing.
Taiwan and its supporters contest this interpretation, arguing that Resolution 2758 addresses representation — not sovereignty — leaving Taiwan’s political status deliberately unresolved.
This legal ambiguity has become what many scholars now describe as structured uncertainty, sustaining diplomatic flexibility while preventing formal resolution.
Beijing’s Position: Sovereignty, Reunification, and Historical Mission
China’s position is rooted in sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national rejuvenation.
As reiterated by President Xi Jinping:
“The great tide of compatriots on both sides of the strait becoming closer, more connected and coming together will not change. This is the verdict of history.”
In Chinese official discourse, reunification is not framed as a negotiable issue but as a historical inevitability tied to national revival.
This perspective was reinforced in Abuja by African analysts who align with Beijing’s framing of sovereignty as non-negotiable, with Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim emphasizing that Africa’s diplomatic alignment reflects a global consensus increasingly anchored in the One-China Principle.
Taiwan’s Position: Democracy, Identity, and De Facto Sovereignty
Taiwan’s position rests on lived political reality and democratic self-governance.
While officially still called the Republic of China, Taiwan functions as an independent political system with its own elections, judiciary, military, and constitution.
Its leadership under President Lai Ching-te emphasizes Taiwan’s distinct political identity and rejects Beijing’s sovereignty claims.
From Beijing’s perspective, this is framed as separatism. From Taiwan’s perspective, it is democratic self-determination.
The result is a deeply entrenched ideological divide: territorial integrity versus political identity.
Strategic Ambiguity and Global Power Politics
A critical dimension of the Taiwan issue is the role of external powers, particularly the United States.
Washington’s policy of strategic ambiguity — recognizing the One-China framework while maintaining unofficial relations with Taiwan — is widely seen as both stabilizing and contradictory.
At the Abuja salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim and other speakers framed external engagement with Taiwan as part of what they described as “separatist encouragement,” while emphasizing African alignment with Beijing’s position.
Africa’s Diplomatic Alignment and the One-China Consensus
A recurring theme in Abuja was overwhelming African diplomatic alignment with Beijing.
As multiple presenters emphasized:
“As of May 2026, 53 out of 54 African nations adhere to the One-China policy.”
The only exception remains Eswatini.
At the salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim argued that this position reflects historical continuity in African diplomacy:
“African nations have consistently stood with China on issues concerning its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
Dr. Segun Showunmi, who is an Ace Public affairs analyst and social impact expert, with experience in governance, policy and civic engagement added that this alignment is not merely political but developmental:
“That consistency created trust and in international politics, trust often translates into investment, infrastructure, and strategic cooperation.”
The Abuja Diplomatic Intervention: China’s Official Position
A defining moment of the salon came from the representative of the Chinese state — the Counsellor of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Nigeria, Ms.Dong Hairong— who reiterated Beijing’s formal position in unambiguous terms:
“There is only one China in the world, and Taiwan is an inalienable part of China.”
This intervention anchored the entire discussion within the framework of Chinese sovereignty doctrine and reinforced that diplomatic relations with China are premised on acceptance of the One-China Principle.
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Prof. Sam Amadi: Strategic Ambiguity as Diplomatic Reality
Professor Sam Amadi, a policy strategist and law and governance expert, Director, Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts,
introduced a more analytical framing, arguing that global practice is defined not by clarity but by managed contradiction.
He stated:
“The One-China principle and One-China policy are clear, but difficult to operationalise.”
He further explained:
“What we have today is strategic ambiguity… meaning they acknowledge, but at the same time, they engage.”
For Amadi, the central question for Africa is not ideological but practical:
“Should we foreclose ambiguity and advance a straight One-China principle, which will exclude all kinds of trade and engagement with Taiwan?”
His conclusion favored diplomatic exclusivity with calibrated economic engagement.
Strategic Realism: Why the Status Quo Persists
Despite rhetorical intensity, the Taiwan issue persists in its unresolved form due to structural constraints:
* China cannot accept formal separation without undermining sovereignty doctrine
* Taiwan cannot accept reunification without losing political autonomy
* The United States benefits strategically from ambiguity
* African states largely align diplomatically with Beijing while prioritizing development ties
As Professor Amadi summarized:
“We acknowledge these principles, but we go back there and also deal with Taiwan in trade… using strategic ambiguity.”
Conclusion: History as Contest, Diplomacy as Equilibrium
The Abuja salon underscored a broader truth about the Taiwan question: it is not merely a territorial dispute but a global governance dilemma.
On one side stands China’s categorical assertion, echoed in Abuja:
“There is only one China.”
On the other stands Taiwan’s democratic identity and de facto autonomy.
Between them lies a global system that simultaneously enforces principle and tolerates ambiguity.
As reflected across the Abuja interventions, including those of Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim, Dr. Segun Showunmi, Prof. Sam Amadi, and the Chinese diplomatic Counsellor, the Taiwan question endures not because it lacks answers — but because every available answer carries strategic consequences the world is unwilling to fully accept.
And so Taiwan remains what it has become in the 21st century: not only a territorial dispute, but a permanent stress test of international order itself.
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