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N62.3b fraud: EFCC freezes 30 accounts of ex-NSITF boss, seizes 37 assets

Former Chairman of the Nigerian Social Insurance Trust Fund, Dr. Ngozi Olojeme.

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has frozen 30 accounts and seized 37 assets  allegedly belonging to the former Chairman of the Nigerian Social Insurance Trust Fund, Dr. Ngozi Olojeme.

The agency had earlier linked 38 houses to Olojeme but it has obtained a court order to seize 37.

In one of the houses at No. 25, Kainji Crescent, Off Lake Chad Crescent, Maitama , Abuja, the EFCC detectives were said to have uncovered a state of the art bathroom suspected to have cost about $2m to $4million.

The EFCC is probing about N62.3billion fraud in NSITF with $48,485,127 credited to Olojeme.

The ex-NSITF, who was grilled by the EFCC in January, is still placed on administrative bail with a responsibility to report fortnightly for interaction.

But the EFCC however yesterday said Olojeme was yet to admit that she committed any fraud while in office.

She insisted that she was innocent of all the allegations against her in spite of the fact that her Account Officer, Chuka Eze has spilled the bean.

Findings by our correspondent revealed that the probe of Olojeme has reached a level for her arraignment in court by the anti-graft agency.

A top source, who spoke in confidence during an update session yesterday, said: “We have frozen 30 accounts traced to Olojeme in some banks. But our detectives discovered that she is the kind of person who does not keep huge money in these accounts. In some of these accounts, there were funds ranging from N20million to N30million, which were insignificant compared to slush funds traced to her.

“Investigation confirmed that the cash looted in NSITF was evacuated under the guise of  award of contracts. The contract sum will be paid to a company and her Account Officer will pick the raw cash and go to  Bureaus De Change(BDCs).

“The Account Officer, who has made startling revelations was actually what our detectives termed ‘clearing and forwarding’ for her.

“When we confronted her with our findings, she refused to admit committing any infractions while in office. She refused to admit having been confident that all the slush funds were withdrawn in cash.

“So far, she is ready to go through the rigours of trial. We are already seeking legal advice on whether or not she should be arraigned with other management staff of NSITF or be tried separately.

“Already, the EFCC has arraigned a former Managing Director of Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF), Umar Munir Abubakar and four others for alleged diversion of N18billion out of the sum in question.

“The others are Deputy General Manager, Finance Henry Ekhasomi Sambo; General Manager, Legal Adebayo Adebowale Aderibigbe; Chief Richard U. Uche and Aderemi Adegboyega.”

Responding to a question, the source added: “We discovered a state of the art bathroom in one of her houses at No. 25, Kainji Crescent, Off Lake Chad Crescent, Maitama , Abuja. The EFCC is suspecting that the bathroom might have cost about $2m to $4million.

“At the appropriate time after final forfeiture of the mansion, Nigerians will have access to the amazing bathroom.”

Meanwhile the EFCC has secured a court order to seize 37 out of 38 houses allegedly traced to Olojeme.

The seizure followed an Interim Forfeiture Order by Justice A. I. Chikere of the Federal High Court, Abuja.

The order said in part: “An order of interim attachment/forfeiture of the asset attachment of the properties set out in the schedule attached herein.

“An Order stopping any disposal, conveyance, mortgage, lease, sale or alienation or otherwise of the properties/assets described in the schedule attached herein.

“An Order authorizing the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission to appoint competent persons/firm to manage the assets/properties listed in the schedule herein,  temporarily forfeited to the Federal Government pending the conclusion of investigation and determination of criminal charges against the suspects.

“And for such further or other orders as this honourable court may deem fit in the circumstances of this cases.

“It is hereby ordered as follows: that the order is granted as prayed.  That the order made is to last for 6 months. That no order as to cost.”

The EFCC had in a report gave the details of findings against the ex-NSITF boss.

The report said in part: “That through this process, Dr. Ngozi Olojeme, the then NSITF board chairman, has collected a total sum of $48,485,127 from Mr. Chuka Eze (her account officer at FBN), which cash he collected on her behalf being the dollar equivalent of monies paid to BDCs by NSITF contractors.

“She and others also diverted huge cash allocated for allowances of its staff and compensation to contributors. Detectives actually traced some of the NSITF funds in the personal accounts of Olojeme and the former MD, Umar Abubakar.

“For instance Abubakar and others dishonestly converted to N18billion, being contribution from the Federal Government of Nigeria as take-off grants and Employees Compensation Scheme (ECS) for MDAs.

“The said sum was diverted into personal accounts by an e-payment mandate jointly signed by Umar Munir Abubakar and Henry Ekhasomi Sambo.”

The report added: “It was discovered that the NSITF accounts in First Bank of Nigeria and other banks have witnessed a total turnover of over N62, 358,401,927 between 2012 and 2015 from the Employee Compensation Scheme contributions.

“That out of the N62bn, the Federal Government contributed N13,600,000,000 while the sum of N48,758,401,927.80 was contributed by the private sector. That there were several payments to individuals and companies from the NSITF bank accounts for purported contracts or consultancy services.

“That some individuals and companies that received these payments, in turn, transferred part of the monies directly to the NSITF officials while others transferred huge sums to bureau de change operators who changed them to dollars.”

The assets and their locations 

  • Plot R/151(No. 30A) Kingsway Road, Old GRA, Enugu. Registered at Enugu Land Registry as No. 5 Page 5 in Volume 1659
  • Parcel of land measuring 4833.241 Sq. Metres located at Uberi Bush along Mbiama Road, Yenagoa, Bayelsa State
  • Parcel of land located at Igbanadan Bush, Emeya 2 Town Ogbia LGA in Bayelsa State.
  • Properties located at 196, Melford Okilo Road, Amarata-Epie, Yenagoa, Bayelsa State
  • Properties located at No. 25, Kainji Crescent, Off Lake Chad Crescent, Maitama , Abuja.
  • Property located at Plot No. 933 Cadastral Zone B01, Gudu District, Abuja
  • All that piece/parcel of land with C of O No. DSTR 1227 and the properties therein also known Umuezeafada family land located at KM 9, Asaba-Benin Express Road, Asaba, Delta State.
  • Plot 124 Cadastral Zone A02 Wuse Known as No. 30, Tunis Street, Off Lusaka Street, Wuse Zone 6, Abuja
  • Plot 3115 Cadastral Zone A04 Asokoro, Abuja.
  • Plot 2271 Cadastral Zone E12 Orozo, Abuja.
  • All that piece of land with C of O No. DTSR638 and the properties therein also known as Plot 101, Phase 1, Block 1 Core Area, Asaba Delta State
  • All that piece /parcel of land also known as Plot 1c, 3 and 4 Phase IV, Block 111 Core Area, Asaba, Delta State with C of O No. DTSR 1194.
  • No. 20 DBS Road, Asaba, Delta State
  • House/Flat 86, 11 Crescent, Kado Estate, Abuja
  • All that Piece/parcel of land and properties therein located at Ogbe Onishe Village in Umagwu Quarters, Asaba, Oshimili South LGA of Delta State also known as Luxury Suites and Resort Hotel, located off Nnebisi Road, Asaba
  • Properties located at No. 204 Nnebisi Road, Asaba beside STANBIC IBTC Bank
  • All that piece or parcel of land and properties thereof located at Elibujor Layout, Opp DLA office, Asaba Oshimili South LGA of Delta State. NSITF office located at Asaba Benin Expressway by Nuel Ojay Junction, Asaba.
  • Plot Nos 29 and 31 of  Umonyia Ejedeofor Family Layout Ibusa Road located along Benin-Asaba Expressway, Asaba, Delta State
  • All that piece/parcel of land with C of O No. DSTR 16326 and the properties therein also known as Plots 104 and 105, Block IV, Phase V, Core Area, Asaba, Delta
  • All that piece/parcel of land with C of O, No. DSTR 55853 and the properties therein also known as Plot 34. Phase 111, Block IV, Core Area. Asaba, Delta State
  • Properties located at No. 17, Ebenuwa Street, Off Nnebisi Road, Asaba, Delta State
  • No. 3D Opolo, Old Commissioners Quarters, Yenagoa, Bayelsa State
  • All that piece/parcel of land also known as plots 7,8,11,12,15,16,19, 20,23, and 24 Phase IV, Block 111, Core Area, Asaba, Delta State with C of O No. DSTTR1194
  • All that piece/parcel of land with C of O No. DSTR15303 and the properties therein also known as Plot No. 16 Central Spine Phase IV, Asaba, Oshimili South LGA of Delta State
  • All that piece/parcel of land  with C of O No. DSTR 16325 and the properties therein also known as  Plots 109 and 110, Block IV, Phase V, Core Arae, Asaba Delta State
  • All that piece/parcel of land with C of O No. DSTR 13807 and the properties therein measuring 80.532 hectares in Aboha-Ogwashi-Uku(Layout) at Aniocha LGA. Delta State.
  • All that piece/parcel of land with C of O No. DSTR 15046 and the properties therein also known as Plots 96, 97, and 98 Layout Survey of Block 1, Bridge-Head, Asaba, Oshimili South LGA of Delta State measuring 6.684 hectares
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at No. 42 Lawrence Road Akintola via Okpe Road, Sapele, Delta State measuring 1274.95 Square Meters and registered at Land Registry Asaba as No. 8 at page in Vol at 8
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at Orugbe Bush, Emeyal 11 Town Ogbia LGA, Bayelsa measuring 3, 625.493 Square Metres.
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at No 6 Sir C.A. Aghara Drive off Okpanam Road by NNPC Filling Station, Asaba, Delta State
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at Oduke, Off Uche Nwembu Road, off Asaba-Benin Expressway, Asaba Delta State.
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at No. 3, Ogwa Godspower Avenue, Oshimili LGA, Asaba, Delta State.
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located No. 11 Chiweta Street, off Ezenie Avenue, Asaba, Delta State.
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at James Odeta Street, Oshimili South LGA, Asaba, Delta State.
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at No. 8, Thomas Chukwunike Street, Oshimili South LGA, Asaba, Delta State.
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at No. 11 Mokolo Close, Off Summit Road, therein located at No. 8, Thomas Chukwunike Street, Oshimili
  • All that piece/parcel of land and the properties therein located at No. 11, Okadigbo Street, off Nebisi Road, Asaba, Delta State.
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Taiwan in the Crossfire of History, Law, and Power: A Feature Analysis of Competing Claims and the One-China Question

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By Michael Olukayode

The status of Taiwan remains one of the most enduring and strategically sensitive disputes in modern international relations — a question where history, law, identity, and geopolitics collide without easy resolution. It is not merely a territorial disagreement between Beijing and Taipei; it is a layered contest over legitimacy, sovereignty, and the meaning of statehood in a shifting global order.

Across recent scholarly salons and policy interventions in Africa and beyond — particularly the Abuja media salon hosted by the China General Chamber of Commerce in Nigeria — a striking convergence has emerged around the One-China Principle, even as interpretations of its implications remain sharply contested.

The Historical Fault Line: 1949 and the Birth of Two Political Realities

The modern Taiwan question originates in the Chinese Civil War, which ended in 1949 with the Communist Party of China establishing the People’s Republic of China on the mainland while the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) government retreated to Taiwan.

As Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim forcefully stated at the Abuja salon:

“Taiwan is not a sovereign entity, it has no independence and it is not a member of the United Nations.”

From Beijing’s perspective, this was not the creation of two states but the continuation of one China under different administrations.

This position aligns with the broader Chinese narrative repeatedly emphasized in diplomatic discourse, including the categorical assertion that:

“Taiwan has never been a country, was never one in the past, and will never be one in the future.”

Taiwan, however, evolved in a very different direction. Over decades, it developed into a functioning democratic polity with its own political institutions, elections, military structure, and constitutional governance.

This divergence produces what scholars describe as a central paradox: a de facto state operating with constrained de jure recognition, facing a sovereign claim from a rising global power.

The Legal Architecture: UN Resolution 2758 and Competing Interpretations

A cornerstone of Beijing’s argument is United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, which restored China’s seat at the United Nations in 1971.

At the Abuja salon, Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim insisted:

“This resolution has explicitly established… that there is only one seat for China in the United Nations, leaving no room for ‘two Chinas’ or ‘one China, one Taiwan’.”

From this perspective, Taiwan is not a separate subject of international law but part of China whose representation is subsumed under Beijing.

Taiwan and its supporters contest this interpretation, arguing that Resolution 2758 addresses representation — not sovereignty — leaving Taiwan’s political status deliberately unresolved.

This legal ambiguity has become what many scholars now describe as structured uncertainty, sustaining diplomatic flexibility while preventing formal resolution.

Beijing’s Position: Sovereignty, Reunification, and Historical Mission

China’s position is rooted in sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national rejuvenation.

As reiterated by President Xi Jinping:

“The great tide of compatriots on both sides of the strait becoming closer, more connected and coming together will not change. This is the verdict of history.”

In Chinese official discourse, reunification is not framed as a negotiable issue but as a historical inevitability tied to national revival.

This perspective was reinforced in Abuja by African analysts who align with Beijing’s framing of sovereignty as non-negotiable, with Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim emphasizing that Africa’s diplomatic alignment reflects a global consensus increasingly anchored in the One-China Principle.

Taiwan’s Position: Democracy, Identity, and De Facto Sovereignty

Taiwan’s position rests on lived political reality and democratic self-governance.

While officially still called the Republic of China, Taiwan functions as an independent political system with its own elections, judiciary, military, and constitution.

Its leadership under President Lai Ching-te emphasizes Taiwan’s distinct political identity and rejects Beijing’s sovereignty claims.

From Beijing’s perspective, this is framed as separatism. From Taiwan’s perspective, it is democratic self-determination.

The result is a deeply entrenched ideological divide: territorial integrity versus political identity.

Strategic Ambiguity and Global Power Politics

A critical dimension of the Taiwan issue is the role of external powers, particularly the United States.

Washington’s policy of strategic ambiguity — recognizing the One-China framework while maintaining unofficial relations with Taiwan — is widely seen as both stabilizing and contradictory.

At the Abuja salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim and other speakers framed external engagement with Taiwan as part of what they described as “separatist encouragement,” while emphasizing African alignment with Beijing’s position.

Africa’s Diplomatic Alignment and the One-China Consensus

A recurring theme in Abuja was overwhelming African diplomatic alignment with Beijing.

As multiple presenters emphasized:

“As of May 2026, 53 out of 54 African nations adhere to the One-China policy.”

The only exception remains Eswatini.

At the salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim argued that this position reflects historical continuity in African diplomacy:

“African nations have consistently stood with China on issues concerning its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

Dr. Segun Showunmi, who is an Ace Public affairs analyst and social impact expert, with experience in governance, policy and civic engagement added that this alignment is not merely political but developmental:

“That consistency created trust and in international politics, trust often translates into investment, infrastructure, and strategic cooperation.”

The Abuja Diplomatic Intervention: China’s Official Position

A defining moment of the salon came from the representative of the Chinese state — the Counsellor of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Nigeria, Ms.Dong Hairong— who reiterated Beijing’s formal position in unambiguous terms:

“There is only one China in the world, and Taiwan is an inalienable part of China.”

This intervention anchored the entire discussion within the framework of Chinese sovereignty doctrine and reinforced that diplomatic relations with China are premised on acceptance of the One-China Principle.

Prof. Sam Amadi: Strategic Ambiguity as Diplomatic Reality

Professor Sam Amadi, a policy strategist and law and governance expert, Director, Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts,
introduced a more analytical framing, arguing that global practice is defined not by clarity but by managed contradiction.

He stated:

“The One-China principle and One-China policy are clear, but difficult to operationalise.”

He further explained:

“What we have today is strategic ambiguity… meaning they acknowledge, but at the same time, they engage.”

For Amadi, the central question for Africa is not ideological but practical:

“Should we foreclose ambiguity and advance a straight One-China principle, which will exclude all kinds of trade and engagement with Taiwan?”

His conclusion favored diplomatic exclusivity with calibrated economic engagement.

Strategic Realism: Why the Status Quo Persists

Despite rhetorical intensity, the Taiwan issue persists in its unresolved form due to structural constraints:

* China cannot accept formal separation without undermining sovereignty doctrine
* Taiwan cannot accept reunification without losing political autonomy
* The United States benefits strategically from ambiguity
* African states largely align diplomatically with Beijing while prioritizing development ties

As Professor Amadi summarized:

“We acknowledge these principles, but we go back there and also deal with Taiwan in trade… using strategic ambiguity.”

Conclusion: History as Contest, Diplomacy as Equilibrium

The Abuja salon underscored a broader truth about the Taiwan question: it is not merely a territorial dispute but a global governance dilemma.

On one side stands China’s categorical assertion, echoed in Abuja:

“There is only one China.”

On the other stands Taiwan’s democratic identity and de facto autonomy.

Between them lies a global system that simultaneously enforces principle and tolerates ambiguity.

As reflected across the Abuja interventions, including those of Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim, Dr. Segun Showunmi, Prof. Sam Amadi, and the Chinese diplomatic Counsellor, the Taiwan question endures not because it lacks answers — but because every available answer carries strategic consequences the world is unwilling to fully accept.

And so Taiwan remains what it has become in the 21st century: not only a territorial dispute, but a permanent stress test of international order itself.

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Tinubu Announces $20bn FDI Inflow, Signals Growing Investor Confidence

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……..APM Terminals pledges $600m

Speaking during a panel session at the ongoing Africa CEO Forum, President Tinubu attributed the inflow to reforms aimed at improving transparency, efficiency, and investor confidence in the country.

He said his administration’s policies were positioning Nigeria as an open and competitive destination for investment.

“In Nigeria, we’ve attracted nearly $20 billion in direct investment this year because we are efficient, transparent, and open for business,” President Tinubu said.

He said that Nigeria would no longer permit the export of raw minerals without local value addition, noting that the country possesses the capacity to manufacture products such as electric vehicle batteries from its mineral resources.

He said: “With our metals, we can produce batteries for cars. The private sector brings capital and expertise, but government must de-risk and create the enabling environment. That partnership is how Africa moves forward”.

He also canvassed for stronger economic integration across the continent, urging African countries to move beyond rhetoric and fully activate the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

According to him, Africa needs to put its money where its mouth is and build a new relationship with its own resources.

“We have the African Continental Free Trade Area—it must not sit on the shelf. It needs to be activated properly through collaboration and effective use of resources, not by working in silos,” President Tinubu said.

He advocated an “Africa First” approach to development, insisting that African resources should primarily benefit the continent through local processing and manufacturing.

“We don’t want scavengers and extractors. We want partners who process and manufacture locally,” President Tinubu said.

Speaking on industrialisation, President Tinubu cited the success of the Dangote Refinery as proof that Africa could undertake large-scale projects with the right support framework.

According to him, Nigeria overcame years of dependence on imported petroleum products after supporting the establishment of the refinery through policy backing, credit support, and licensing approvals.

He said: “Today Nigeria is a net exporter of PMS, aviation fuel, and other products. Dangote is supplying aviation fuel across Africa and to European airlines”.

He also called for reforms to intra-African trade and financial systems, questioning the continent’s reliance on foreign currencies for trade transactions.

In Rwanda, Tinubu pitches Nigerian business case to Africa
Tinubu appoints Laniyi DG of Women Development Centre
“If you produce in Nigeria, you can trade in naira. Why should African trade depend on dollars? That adds cost and instability,” President Tinubu said.

He proposed the establishment of an African commodity exchange platform that would enable direct trade among the continent’s 54 countries.

On the issue of mobilising African capital for development, President Tinubu said governments must create stable legal and policy environments capable of attracting long-term investment.

He said: “Capital is cowardly. It needs transparency, accountability, and stability”.

He also advocated the creation of an African credit rating agency, arguing that existing global rating institutions do not adequately understand African markets and risks.

“The big American agencies dominate 95 per cent of the market, but they don’t understand our risks and opportunities,” President Tinubu said.

He noted that in addressing Africa’s digital infrastructure deficit, Nigeria is laying 19,000 kilometres of fibre optic cables nationwide to expand connectivity and support the digital economy.

“That’s how we bring lessons to children, connect families, and enable traders,” President Tinubu said.

He added that Africa must invest beyond basic telecommunications and build full digital infrastructure systems, including data processing, storage, artificial intelligence, and e-commerce capabilities.

He said: “We need to fund Africa’s shift from basic telecoms to AI and e-commerce”.

He further expressed optimism that the AfCFTA would eventually boost intra-African trade, despite political and structural barriers currently slowing integration efforts.

He said: “Pan-Africanism can’t remain a slogan. It has to be lived”.

He also urged African leaders to strengthen regional alliances and economic cooperation in response to global economic shocks and geopolitical uncertainties.

“If Europe can build alliances and move forward, so can we. Africa has everything we need here. What we require is good policy and the will to act.

“We don’t want our children dying at sea trying to reach elsewhere. We have the resources. We just need to help each other and push together. That is the only way to build an inclusive and prosperous Africa,” President Tinubu said

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Obasa Saga : Desmond Elliot Nearly Ruined My Chief of Staff Appointment — Gbajabiamila Reveals

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Femi Gbajabiamila, Chief of Staff to President Bola Tinubu, has disclosed that he almost lost his position last year due to the alleged involvement of actor-turned-politician Desmond Elliot in the political crisis that rocked the Lagos State House of Assembly during the speakership tussle involving Mudashiru Obasa.

Speaking in a video widely circulating on social media on Thursday, Gbajabiamila narrated how Tinubu summoned him to his residence in Abuja at the height of the Obasa impeachment saga.

According to the CoS, the president confronted him over intelligence reports linking Elliot, who represents Surulere Constituency I in the Lagos State House of Assembly, to efforts to destabilise the state legislature.

“I almost lost my job as Chief of Staff last year because of Desmond Elliot. Mr. President called me to his house in Abuja during the Lagos Speaker Obasa saga. He said, ‘I hear this Desmond is your boy, the one we gave you,’ and I said, ‘Yes, sir.’ He is one of the people causing problems in the Lagos House of Assembly,” Gbajabiamila stated.

Gbajabiamila further revealed that he had to defend Elliot against the allegations.

“Immediately I said to Mr. President, no, no, no. Desmond is not part of them.

“I haven’t even spoken to him. I didn’t know whether he was part of that. I said, no, he’s not part of them.”

According to him, Tinubu said, “I’m telling you from intelligence that he is part of them. Go and tell him to retrace his steps. This is what Mr. President told me. I said, yes, sir.”

He said he called the lawmaker to inform him of the development.

“I called him. That’s what I told him. Just like the President, this is what he said.

“If you are one of these people, if you are part of them, get out of there.”

He added that the Director-General of the Department of State Services also contacted him regarding his and Elliot’s alleged involvement.

“Three days later, the Director General of DSS called me and said there’s a problem. Your name is being mentioned all over the place.

“That you are the one behind, you are supporting Desmond in this event. Of course, the President will not believe that Desmond would do such a thing and I will not know what it sounds like.

“I told the DSS, I’m going to have to talk to Desmond.”

“I told him, I’m going to have to talk to Desmond. He has not done anything. I called him again.”

The Chief of Staff said he asked Elliot to issue a statement vindicating himself of the allegation, which he allegedly did not till date.

The Obasa impeachment saga erupted on January 13, 2025, when a majority of the Lagos State House of Assembly impeached the long-serving Speaker while he was vacationing in the United States.

Lawmakers accused him of gross misconduct, abuse of office, high-handedness, poor leadership, persistent lateness to sessions, and alleged financial impropriety/mismanagement of Assembly funds.

His deputy, Mojisola Meranda, was immediately elected as the new Speaker, becoming the first female to occupy the position.

Obasa rejected the impeachment as illegal and unconstitutional, insisting due process was not followed.

The crisis triggered weeks of tension, court cases, parallel claims to leadership, and interventions by APC national leaders and Tinubu.

It was eventually resolved when Meranda resigned, paving the way for Obasa’s reinstatement as Speaker.

The incident comes amid growing resistance to the lawmaker’s bid for a fourth term in the Lagos State House of Assembly.

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