Connect with us

news

LASPOTECH students lament lack of hostel facilities, irregular classes

Published

on

Students of the Lagos State Polytechnic (LASPOTECH), Isolo campus, have lamented how the institution’s lack of hostels on campus is affecting their finances and studies.
They also complained about the irregularity of lectures for months after resumption, as well as what they called irrelevant rules they have to obey.
The polytechnic, like other Lagos State-owned tertiary institutions, does not have hostels on campuses – though the government has started building an 8,000-bed hostel at the Lagos State University (LASU).
The LASPOTECH Isolo campus has both part-time and full-time students. The full time programme however has only two departments (Office Technology Management and Accounting); the rest are at the institution’s main campus in Ikorodu.
Presently, the full-time students in National Diploma [ND] 1; Higher National Diploma [HND] I and HND II classes are wrapping up their first semester examinations while ND II students are scheduled to begin their examinations on August 23.
The part- time students on the other hand, are in their second semester which is scheduled to end next month according to the institution’s academic calendar. However, they are bearing the brunt of the ongoing examinations which they lamented had affected their classes. They said their classes have not been regular despite resuming over five weeks ago.
Nevertheless they are scheduled to write their examination next month. Besides selling of text books, the part-time students said little is going on. As a result, they have been reluctant about coming to school. They said they come anytime they feel like.
“Lecturers have not been coming for classes, most of us just come to take attendance and go,” said two part-time students of Mass Communication who spoke with our correspondent on condition of anonymity.
Out of about 350 students in the class, the duo said only a few attend lectures – which they said was a disservice to students who cannot comprehend just by studying on their own.
“As for both of us, we understand better when they teach us. What helps us most is the night class tutorials we attend before the exams. We pay for those classes, at least N300. But it still better than failing and getting carry overs,” they said.
While part-time students worry about irregular classes, the full-time students are concerned about the high cost of rent in the Isolo area.
“There is no hostel inside this school – maybe because the space is not big enough – but it has forced most of us to rent lodges outside the school. And these lodges are not small money – over N100,000 depending on the size of the lodge,” said a student who simply called herself Shola.
Another student, Mariam, said with no hostels on campus, the students are dispersed all over the community making it hard to come together to study outside the campus.
The students also lamented the financial burden that followed the attendant increase in the price of foodstuffs, electricity bill and water. They said that if the school had hostels, they would not have to spend a lot on transportation.
“All these are finishing our money,” they said. Shola added: “If only this school can build hostels for students within the campus, it can help to reduce most of these financial problems.”
She is, however, optimistic that things would change once the remaining full-time departments are moved to the Ikorodu campus.
“We have hope since they are planning to move the last two full-time departments to the main campus at Ikorodu”.
For the part-time students who are not leaving Isolo campus anytime soon, they would have to contend with rules that they deem irrelevant.
The rules include: “No face cap, no shades, no ripped jeans, no sleeveless, no dreads for male students “ –which are considered as “normal clothing” by students in a campus setting.
They said that due to these new rules, their normal way of dressing changed, they now repeat clothes or buy more when not necessary.
However, Mariam and Shola do not think the rules are irrelevant. They both appreciated the school for its cleanliness and dedicated lecturers.
“The rules help to curb sexual harassment and indecent dressing. Face caps and shades can be used to conduct malpractice; and is a sign of disrespect to the school area,” they said. They both appreciated the school for its cleanliness and dedicated lecturers. Unlike the part timers, they also received lectures very often.
When asked about the lack of hostels, the Head of the institution’s Public Relations unit, Mr. Olarewaju Kuye, said: “Hostel is a government policy. But the plan to build is on for Ikorodu (campus),” he said.
Regarding the irregular lectures for part-time students, Kuye said they were yet to fully resume.
“For part-time students, they are yet to fully resume for second semester. It was not quite long they finished first semester exams,” she said.

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

news

Drama in Rivers APC as Fubara and Tonye Cole Step Down from Governorship Primary

Published

on

Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has announced his withdrawal from the All Progressives Congress governorship primary election in the state.

Fubara made this known in a statement personally signed on Wednesday, saying he would support whoever emerges as the party’s candidate, The Nations reported.

The governor said his decision followed extensive consultations with his family, friends, and political associates.

“After deep reflection and extensive consultations with my family, friends, and associates, I have taken the difficult but necessary decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primaries. I do so with a full heart and with a firm commitment to support whoever emerges as the candidate of our great party,” Fubara said.

The development comes amid ongoing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections in Rivers State.

Fubara said although the decision was difficult, he remained committed to supporting whoever would emerge as the APC governorship candidate.

According to him, leadership demands sacrifice and personal ambition must sometimes give way to the collective interest of the people.

“Rivers State is bigger than any individual, and at this critical moment, the peace, stability, and unity of our dear state must take precedence over every personal interest,” he said.

Meanwhile, the embattled governor expressed appreciation to his supporters for their loyalty, prayers and sacrifices throughout the political process, acknowledging that many would feel disappointed by his withdrawal.

He said his silence in recent weeks was “deliberate and strategic,” adding that it was guided by the higher interest of the state.

Newsthumb had earlier reported that APC chieftain and 2027 governorship aspirant in Rivers State, Tonye Cole, also announced his withdrawal from the race, saying his decision was, among other reasons, in the interest of the party’s unity.

Fubara thanks Tinubu, dismisses cowardice
The governor hinted at undisclosed pressures surrounding the political process, saying: “As our elders say, not everything a hunter sees in the forest is spoken of in the marketplace.”

He added that some truths were best kept quietly “not out of fear, but out of wisdom and restraint for the sake of peace and a greater purpose.”

Fubara thanked the APC leadership for the opportunity given to him during the process and also expressed gratitude to President Bola Tinubu for his support and encouragement.

He urged party faithful to remain united and committed to the APC, describing the party as their “collective home.”

The governor, however, insisted that his withdrawal should not be interpreted as an act of weakness or surrender.

“I stepped aside not out of weakness, fear, or surrender, but out of conviction and sacrifice so that Rivers State may move forward in peace and unity,” he said.

Fubara also pledged to continue serving the people of Rivers State until the end of his tenure.

He further stated, “Leadership is ultimately about sacrifice. There comes a time when personal ambition must yield to the greater good of the people. Rivers State is bigger than any individual, and at this critical moment, the peace, stability, and unity of our dear state must take precedence over every personal interest.

“To my supporters who stood firmly with me throughout this journey who gave their time, resources, prayers, and unwavering hope, I offer my deepest gratitude. I understand the disappointment, the anger, and the pain many of you may feel.

“Much has indeed been invested and much sacrificed along the way. But please know that your loyalty and trust were never in vain. My silence over this period was deliberate and strategic, guided always by the higher interest of our state and our people.”

Our correspondence earlier reported that Fubara rose politically under the administration of his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike, serving as Accountant-General of Rivers State before emerging as the PDP governorship candidate and winning the 2023 election with Wike’s backing.

Shortly after assuming office, however, the relationship between both men collapsed over control of the state’s political structure, appointments and finances, leading to a bitter power struggle involving the Rivers State House of Assembly led by Speaker Martin Amaewhule, who remained loyal to Wike.

The crisis escalated when 27 lawmakers attempted moves seen as targeting Fubara, while the governor’s camp questioned their legitimacy after alleged defections.

The Assembly complex was later demolished and governance became paralysed as both camps traded court actions and political attacks.

In March 2025, President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending Fubara, his deputy and all lawmakers for six months, citing political instability and threats to governance and oil infrastructure.

During the suspension, retired naval chief Ibok-Ete Ibas was appointed sole administrator.

Fubara was later reinstated after political negotiations reportedly brokered by Tinubu, with conditions said to include working with the Amaewhule-led Assembly, maintaining peace with Wike’s camp and shelving immediate political confrontation ahead of 2027, although some reported terms — including speculation about reelection concessions — remained unofficial.

The House of Assembly saga remained central to the crisis, with repeated disputes over budget presentation, impeachment threats and Supreme Court rulings affirming the Amaewhule faction as the recognised Assembly leadership.

Continue Reading

news

APC Primary Crisis Deepens in Osun as Aspirants Accuse Party Leadership of Imposition, Manipulation, and Delegate Exclusion

Published

on

The All Progressives Congress (APC) primary election held on Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Ife Federal Constituency has sparked widespread controversy, with aggrieved aspirants and party stakeholders alleging massive irregularities and manipulation during the exercise.

The aspirants accused certain party leaders of compromising the credibility of the primary process, alleging that the exercise was hijacked by desperate political actors allegedly working under the influence of the Osun State APC Chairman, Hon. Tajudeen Lawal, popularly known as “Sooko.”

According to reports gathered from several wards and local government areas within the constituency, many party members and stakeholders were allegedly denied the opportunity to participate in what was expected to be a transparent, free, and fair election. The aggrieved members described the exercise as a deliberate attempt to impose a preferred candidate against the collective will of delegates and party faithful.

Several stakeholders further alleged widespread intimidation, manipulation, and exclusion of recognized party members during the exercise, a development they said has generated tension and dissatisfaction within the party.

The aggrieved aspirants reportedly described the primary as a “scam,” alleging that results and figures were arbitrarily allocated to candidates by the party leadership.

They also alleged that incidents of violence and thuggery characterized parts of the exercise across Ife Federal Constituency, claiming that such developments have raised concerns over fairness, transparency, and internal democracy within the Osun APC.

Some party members further recalled a similar controversy during the May 27, 2022, APC primary election in the constituency, alleging that the same pattern of irregularities occurred during that exercise.

Meanwhile, the aspirants maintained that the outcome of the disputed primary election has yet to receive official recognition from the National Secretariat of the APC, as several petitions and complaints have reportedly been submitted over the conduct of the exercise.

They also noted that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has not officially validated the disputed process, thereby raising further questions regarding the legitimacy and credibility of the primary election.

Continue Reading

news

Taiwan in the Crossfire of History, Law, and Power: A Feature Analysis of Competing Claims and the One-China Question

Published

on

By Michael Olukayode

The status of Taiwan remains one of the most enduring and strategically sensitive disputes in modern international relations — a question where history, law, identity, and geopolitics collide without easy resolution. It is not merely a territorial disagreement between Beijing and Taipei; it is a layered contest over legitimacy, sovereignty, and the meaning of statehood in a shifting global order.

Across recent scholarly salons and policy interventions in Africa and beyond — particularly the Abuja media salon hosted by the China General Chamber of Commerce in Nigeria — a striking convergence has emerged around the One-China Principle, even as interpretations of its implications remain sharply contested.

The Historical Fault Line: 1949 and the Birth of Two Political Realities

The modern Taiwan question originates in the Chinese Civil War, which ended in 1949 with the Communist Party of China establishing the People’s Republic of China on the mainland while the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) government retreated to Taiwan.

As Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim forcefully stated at the Abuja salon:

“Taiwan is not a sovereign entity, it has no independence and it is not a member of the United Nations.”

From Beijing’s perspective, this was not the creation of two states but the continuation of one China under different administrations.

This position aligns with the broader Chinese narrative repeatedly emphasized in diplomatic discourse, including the categorical assertion that:

“Taiwan has never been a country, was never one in the past, and will never be one in the future.”

Taiwan, however, evolved in a very different direction. Over decades, it developed into a functioning democratic polity with its own political institutions, elections, military structure, and constitutional governance.

This divergence produces what scholars describe as a central paradox: a de facto state operating with constrained de jure recognition, facing a sovereign claim from a rising global power.

The Legal Architecture: UN Resolution 2758 and Competing Interpretations

A cornerstone of Beijing’s argument is United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, which restored China’s seat at the United Nations in 1971.

At the Abuja salon, Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim insisted:

“This resolution has explicitly established… that there is only one seat for China in the United Nations, leaving no room for ‘two Chinas’ or ‘one China, one Taiwan’.”

From this perspective, Taiwan is not a separate subject of international law but part of China whose representation is subsumed under Beijing.

Taiwan and its supporters contest this interpretation, arguing that Resolution 2758 addresses representation — not sovereignty — leaving Taiwan’s political status deliberately unresolved.

This legal ambiguity has become what many scholars now describe as structured uncertainty, sustaining diplomatic flexibility while preventing formal resolution.

Beijing’s Position: Sovereignty, Reunification, and Historical Mission

China’s position is rooted in sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national rejuvenation.

As reiterated by President Xi Jinping:

“The great tide of compatriots on both sides of the strait becoming closer, more connected and coming together will not change. This is the verdict of history.”

In Chinese official discourse, reunification is not framed as a negotiable issue but as a historical inevitability tied to national revival.

This perspective was reinforced in Abuja by African analysts who align with Beijing’s framing of sovereignty as non-negotiable, with Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim emphasizing that Africa’s diplomatic alignment reflects a global consensus increasingly anchored in the One-China Principle.

Taiwan’s Position: Democracy, Identity, and De Facto Sovereignty

Taiwan’s position rests on lived political reality and democratic self-governance.

While officially still called the Republic of China, Taiwan functions as an independent political system with its own elections, judiciary, military, and constitution.

Its leadership under President Lai Ching-te emphasizes Taiwan’s distinct political identity and rejects Beijing’s sovereignty claims.

From Beijing’s perspective, this is framed as separatism. From Taiwan’s perspective, it is democratic self-determination.

The result is a deeply entrenched ideological divide: territorial integrity versus political identity.

Strategic Ambiguity and Global Power Politics

A critical dimension of the Taiwan issue is the role of external powers, particularly the United States.

Washington’s policy of strategic ambiguity — recognizing the One-China framework while maintaining unofficial relations with Taiwan — is widely seen as both stabilizing and contradictory.

At the Abuja salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim and other speakers framed external engagement with Taiwan as part of what they described as “separatist encouragement,” while emphasizing African alignment with Beijing’s position.

Africa’s Diplomatic Alignment and the One-China Consensus

A recurring theme in Abuja was overwhelming African diplomatic alignment with Beijing.

As multiple presenters emphasized:

“As of May 2026, 53 out of 54 African nations adhere to the One-China policy.”

The only exception remains Eswatini.

At the salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim argued that this position reflects historical continuity in African diplomacy:

“African nations have consistently stood with China on issues concerning its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

Dr. Segun Showunmi, who is an Ace Public affairs analyst and social impact expert, with experience in governance, policy and civic engagement added that this alignment is not merely political but developmental:

“That consistency created trust and in international politics, trust often translates into investment, infrastructure, and strategic cooperation.”

The Abuja Diplomatic Intervention: China’s Official Position

A defining moment of the salon came from the representative of the Chinese state — the Counsellor of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Nigeria, Ms.Dong Hairong— who reiterated Beijing’s formal position in unambiguous terms:

“There is only one China in the world, and Taiwan is an inalienable part of China.”

This intervention anchored the entire discussion within the framework of Chinese sovereignty doctrine and reinforced that diplomatic relations with China are premised on acceptance of the One-China Principle.

Prof. Sam Amadi: Strategic Ambiguity as Diplomatic Reality

Professor Sam Amadi, a policy strategist and law and governance expert, Director, Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts,
introduced a more analytical framing, arguing that global practice is defined not by clarity but by managed contradiction.

He stated:

“The One-China principle and One-China policy are clear, but difficult to operationalise.”

He further explained:

“What we have today is strategic ambiguity… meaning they acknowledge, but at the same time, they engage.”

For Amadi, the central question for Africa is not ideological but practical:

“Should we foreclose ambiguity and advance a straight One-China principle, which will exclude all kinds of trade and engagement with Taiwan?”

His conclusion favored diplomatic exclusivity with calibrated economic engagement.

Strategic Realism: Why the Status Quo Persists

Despite rhetorical intensity, the Taiwan issue persists in its unresolved form due to structural constraints:

* China cannot accept formal separation without undermining sovereignty doctrine
* Taiwan cannot accept reunification without losing political autonomy
* The United States benefits strategically from ambiguity
* African states largely align diplomatically with Beijing while prioritizing development ties

As Professor Amadi summarized:

“We acknowledge these principles, but we go back there and also deal with Taiwan in trade… using strategic ambiguity.”

Conclusion: History as Contest, Diplomacy as Equilibrium

The Abuja salon underscored a broader truth about the Taiwan question: it is not merely a territorial dispute but a global governance dilemma.

On one side stands China’s categorical assertion, echoed in Abuja:

“There is only one China.”

On the other stands Taiwan’s democratic identity and de facto autonomy.

Between them lies a global system that simultaneously enforces principle and tolerates ambiguity.

As reflected across the Abuja interventions, including those of Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim, Dr. Segun Showunmi, Prof. Sam Amadi, and the Chinese diplomatic Counsellor, the Taiwan question endures not because it lacks answers — but because every available answer carries strategic consequences the world is unwilling to fully accept.

And so Taiwan remains what it has become in the 21st century: not only a territorial dispute, but a permanent stress test of international order itself.

Continue Reading

Trending

Copyright © 2025 Newsthumb Magazine | All rights reserved