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THE MENTION OF THE NAME, PERE OF OLODIAMA CLAN, EVOKES UGLY MEMORIES
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In 1986, one Timothy Ofunama, issued a statement saying that Gelegele belonged to Ijaw and that the Oba of Benin had no jurisdiction over it in the welcome address I presented when Omo N’Oba Ewuare II visited Obazuwa on January 28, I enumerated some of the provocative acts of the Ijaws. We wish to state some of them here again.
In 1985, Philips Oil Company established business in Ughoton. It built a Flow Station in Gelegele. Ijaw fishermen, who lived in stilt-houses around the swamps, came out and began to supply labour to the company. Many of the Benin youths in Ughoton and Gelegele had left the villages in search of a better life in the City. When they heard of the new company and the job opportunities if offered, they returned home to seek employment. The Ijaws were not happy at their return. They feared they would displace them (the Ijaws) in competition for jobs. Suddenly, they attacked the returnees. The attack was so violent and widespread that the government setup an administrative panel, headed by Mr. S. Jamgbadi, a Senior District Officer, to look into it. Part of the panel’s report reads:
“… it is however established that the Ijaws have been resident in Gelegele for many years and that during these years they have acquired landed property and cultivate farms but from the facts in evidence they qualify as TENANTS on the land their long period of occupation notwithstanding…”
The Ijaws were not done yet with agitation. They agitated again, the same year, against Philips Company itself. The cause of the agitation was that the company also gave employment to non-Iyaw persons. Government again set up an inquiry to look into the crisis. Part of the panel’s report reads:
“… The inquiry further revealed that the claims by the Ijaws to the monopoly of employment provided by the oil company are not only unpatriotic but also preposterous. The Ijaws have no right whatsoever to prevent the oil company from employing persons of their choice; they should stop threatening the oil company from employing other persons who are not Ijaw…”
On Thursday, November 20, 1986, as said earlier, Timothy Ofunama, in the publication in the Nigerian Observer said that Gelegele belonged to Ijaw and that the Oba of Benin had no jurisdiction over it. The government reacted to the publication through a press statement issued by the Honourable Commissioner for Local Government, Engr. Enoch Ejofodomi. I reproduce the statement here in full.
1. My attention has been drawn to a publication at page 4 of the Nigerian Observer Newspaper of Thursday, 20th November, 1986 titled “Public Notice” and credited to one Timothy Ofunama who styled himself as the “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele”. In which he gave the impression that the traditional administration of Gelegele was under the “Pere of Olodiama Clan” and other Ijaw Chiefs in Ovia Local Government Area of Bendel State.
2. From records available in my Ministry, there is no chieftaincy title known as the “Pere of Olodiama Clan” in Ovia Local Government Area. Also there are no chieftaincy titles known as “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele” and “Amanana-Owei of Gelegele”, as claimed in the above mentioned publication. In this regards the Government couldn’t have appointed anybody to these non-existent chieftaincy stools.
3. The author of the above mentioned vexations publication also gave the impression that the Oba of Benin has no right to confer the chieftaincy title of “Okao of Gelegele” on Chief I. Iyonmahari and that Gelegele and some other Ijaw towns in Ovia Local Government Area are not under the jurisdiction of the Oba of Benin. In this regard, my Ministry wants to make it abundantly clear that the Oba of Benin who is the traditional paramount ruler in Benin kingdom is the Prescribed Authority for Oredo, Orhionmwon and Ovia Local Government Areas by virtues of Bendel State Legal Notice 44 of 1979 published in the Bendel State Legal Notice 44 of 1979 published in the Bendel State of Nigeria Extraordinary Gazette No. 51. Vol. 16 of 28th, September, 1979; He therefore acted within his constitutional powers: as the prescribed Authority for the area ‘when he appointed Chief I. Iyonmahan as the Okao of Gelegele. It is also pertinent to point out that Gelegele in Ovia Local Government Area is part and parcel of Bini land under the jurisdiction of the Oba of Benin having regard to the judgment of the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered on 11th August, 1983 which made it clear that the land known as Gelegele belongs to the Binis.
4. In the light of the foregoing, Government sews the action of Timothy Ofunama who calls himself the “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele” as an attempt to incite the law abiding Ijaw citizens in Gelegele against their host as capable of causing serious disaffection among the entire community in that part of Ovia Local Government Area. I want to stress that Government will not tolerate that state of affairs which is capable of jeopardizing the peace, order and good government in the area.
5. For the purpose of clarification, it is considered necessary to inform the general public that it is not only contemptuous to reopen an issue on which the Supreme Court had already delivered judgment but that it is also unlawful for anyone to call himself a chief or allow himself to be so called or addressed if he has not been conferred with a chieftaincy title by a competent authority and has not been registered by the Ministry of Local Government as a Chief.
6. Finally, I want to warn that all those who are party to the aforementioned publication should desist forthwith from parading themselves either as traditional rulers or as traditional chiefs as the penalty for their actions under Sections 20 and 26 of the Traditional Rulers and Chiefs Law, 1979 is imprisonment for six months and two years respectively without an option of a fine.
(Engr. Enoch Ejofodomi)
Commissioner for Local Government
Ministry of Local Government
Benin City.
10th December 1986
The Ijaws still claim ownership of Gelegele. Yet, the question of who owns Gelegele had gone through litigation and had long been settled.
At the High Court of Justice, Benin, in suit B/44/1970, Judgment was delivered in favour of Benins by Honourable Justice Ekeruche on December 22, 1978. Part of the judgment reacts.
“…finally, I enter judgment in this case as follows: for the avoidance of all doubts, argument or controversy, I hear say unequivocally, that Gelegele village and its environs and bushes are Benin land. They do not belong to the Ijaws of Gelegele as owners. The Ijaws are tenants of His Highness Akenzua II the Oba of Benin. Apart from above, the plaintiffs’ claims are dismissed in their entirety”.
Dissatisfied with the judgment, the Ijaws went to the Court of Appeal, Benin. The court dismissed their appeal and delivered judgment in favour of Benin. The lead judgment was read by Honourable Justice Abdul Ganiyu Agbaje on December 16, 1981.
Still on satisfied, they headed for the Supreme Court. In Suit SC. 131/1/1982, Honourable Justice, Muhamadu Lawani Uwais (CJN) and four (4) others, on August 19, 1983 also dismisses their appeal and up-held the judgment of the lower courts. The CJN concluded thus:
“… For three reasons I am of the opinion that the appellants’ argument in support of the sole ground of appeal should be discountenanced. The appeal therefore fails and it is dismissed with N300.00 costs to the respondents. The decision of the Federal Court of Appeal is affirmed…”
The Supreme Court awarded costs against the Ijaws. Despite these judgments, the various reports and government statements, the Ijaws still claim ownership of Gelegele!
In 1987, they attacked Benin indigenes in Iko and Isekiri and Urhobo settlers there. They destroyed the Ogua-edion in Iko, they moved up-hill, to Ikonoke and unleashed mayhem. Benin indigenes in Ikonoke and in Ikonugboghodo fled, giving room to the Ijaws to entrench themselves in both places. At that time and up till the early 90s, one Pa Igbinosun, a Benin man, was the Odionwere of Iko, they have forayed into Agbomoba, Ozomu, Igbobi, Ekete, Ite, Orogo, Ewudu, Abiala, Eki-ohuan (now known as Ekewan), Okomu and Gelegele. They maim the Benin people in these communities and destroy their properties.
In June 2011, we, offered a parcel of land to Edo State government for the erection of a model school block. The Government sent a team led by the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education, then Mrs. Idaho is now the Head of Service. In anticipation of the inspection, we directed Obazuwa boys to demarcate the plot. As the boys were measuring it, Ijaws militants descended on them with machetes, guns, and clubs. Without any provocation, they brutalized the boys and abducted two of them. Obazuwa boys were unnamed and defenseless.
We sent an S.O.S to the Governor who directed his Chief of Staff, then Barr. Osarodion Ogie, to take up the matter with the Commissioner of Police. The Police Commissioner promptly dispatched a team of policemen from Evbotubu Police Station to rescue the abducted boys. He sent another team from SARS to arrest the militants who brutalized the boys, destroyed their motorcycles and a car. Those arrested were charged to Okada Magistrate’s Court where the case is still pending up till now.
In order to strengthen their claim of ownership of Gelegele, they have now coined names, Gelegelegbene and Gelegele-ama. These names are new. In all their previous write-ups and the dispatches by early European visitors. Gelegele had always been known and spelt as Gelegele. The use of Gelegelegbene and Gelegele-ama which they have only recently coined is ludicrous and intellectually dishonest.
Our people got judgment in the Supreme Court 34 years ago. Now they want to claim their judgment right. Those who were driven away from their homeland, Abiala, and Ikon’oke, want to return home. They want to erect a house in Gelegele for the Okao of Gelegele who was installed there by the Oba of Benin.
The Edo State Ijaws are bellicose, belligerent, militant, quarrelsome and unfriendly. They are fighting the Itsekiris in Warri; they are fighting the Urhobos, the Ibibios and the Ilajes. They are claiming land whereas they traditionally live in swamps along the coastal areas in houses they build on stilts.
The so-called Beni-Ebe, Toru-Ebe Kengama and Abadi States which they requested the Senate to create for them in 2009, traverses the whole of the Nigerian coastline, encroaching of Benin, Ibibio, Ilaje and Itsekiri territories.
We plead for your support in curbing the Ijaw aggressiveness and in enforcing the Supreme Court Judgment for which the Ijaws have rudely insulted the highest court in the Country, Honourable Justice, and the Chief Justice of Nigeria whom they contemptuously described as fraudulent.
This press statement was endorsed by HRH Prince Edun Akenzua, MFR, FNGE, Ogie-Obazuwa and six other Enigie for on behalf of 48 communities in the affected areas in the Benin Kingdom.
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Drama in Rivers APC as Fubara and Tonye Cole Step Down from Governorship Primary
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Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, has announced his withdrawal from the All Progressives Congress governorship primary election in the state.
Fubara made this known in a statement personally signed on Wednesday, saying he would support whoever emerges as the party’s candidate, The Nations reported.
The governor said his decision followed extensive consultations with his family, friends, and political associates.
“After deep reflection and extensive consultations with my family, friends, and associates, I have taken the difficult but necessary decision to withdraw from the APC governorship primaries. I do so with a full heart and with a firm commitment to support whoever emerges as the candidate of our great party,” Fubara said.
The development comes amid ongoing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections in Rivers State.
Fubara said although the decision was difficult, he remained committed to supporting whoever would emerge as the APC governorship candidate.
According to him, leadership demands sacrifice and personal ambition must sometimes give way to the collective interest of the people.
“Rivers State is bigger than any individual, and at this critical moment, the peace, stability, and unity of our dear state must take precedence over every personal interest,” he said.
Meanwhile, the embattled governor expressed appreciation to his supporters for their loyalty, prayers and sacrifices throughout the political process, acknowledging that many would feel disappointed by his withdrawal.
He said his silence in recent weeks was “deliberate and strategic,” adding that it was guided by the higher interest of the state.
Newsthumb had earlier reported that APC chieftain and 2027 governorship aspirant in Rivers State, Tonye Cole, also announced his withdrawal from the race, saying his decision was, among other reasons, in the interest of the party’s unity.
Fubara thanks Tinubu, dismisses cowardice
The governor hinted at undisclosed pressures surrounding the political process, saying: “As our elders say, not everything a hunter sees in the forest is spoken of in the marketplace.”
He added that some truths were best kept quietly “not out of fear, but out of wisdom and restraint for the sake of peace and a greater purpose.”
Fubara thanked the APC leadership for the opportunity given to him during the process and also expressed gratitude to President Bola Tinubu for his support and encouragement.
He urged party faithful to remain united and committed to the APC, describing the party as their “collective home.”
The governor, however, insisted that his withdrawal should not be interpreted as an act of weakness or surrender.
“I stepped aside not out of weakness, fear, or surrender, but out of conviction and sacrifice so that Rivers State may move forward in peace and unity,” he said.
Fubara also pledged to continue serving the people of Rivers State until the end of his tenure.
He further stated, “Leadership is ultimately about sacrifice. There comes a time when personal ambition must yield to the greater good of the people. Rivers State is bigger than any individual, and at this critical moment, the peace, stability, and unity of our dear state must take precedence over every personal interest.
“To my supporters who stood firmly with me throughout this journey who gave their time, resources, prayers, and unwavering hope, I offer my deepest gratitude. I understand the disappointment, the anger, and the pain many of you may feel.
“Much has indeed been invested and much sacrificed along the way. But please know that your loyalty and trust were never in vain. My silence over this period was deliberate and strategic, guided always by the higher interest of our state and our people.”
Our correspondence earlier reported that Fubara rose politically under the administration of his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike, serving as Accountant-General of Rivers State before emerging as the PDP governorship candidate and winning the 2023 election with Wike’s backing.
Shortly after assuming office, however, the relationship between both men collapsed over control of the state’s political structure, appointments and finances, leading to a bitter power struggle involving the Rivers State House of Assembly led by Speaker Martin Amaewhule, who remained loyal to Wike.
The crisis escalated when 27 lawmakers attempted moves seen as targeting Fubara, while the governor’s camp questioned their legitimacy after alleged defections.
The Assembly complex was later demolished and governance became paralysed as both camps traded court actions and political attacks.
In March 2025, President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending Fubara, his deputy and all lawmakers for six months, citing political instability and threats to governance and oil infrastructure.
During the suspension, retired naval chief Ibok-Ete Ibas was appointed sole administrator.
Fubara was later reinstated after political negotiations reportedly brokered by Tinubu, with conditions said to include working with the Amaewhule-led Assembly, maintaining peace with Wike’s camp and shelving immediate political confrontation ahead of 2027, although some reported terms — including speculation about reelection concessions — remained unofficial.
The House of Assembly saga remained central to the crisis, with repeated disputes over budget presentation, impeachment threats and Supreme Court rulings affirming the Amaewhule faction as the recognised Assembly leadership.
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APC Primary Crisis Deepens in Osun as Aspirants Accuse Party Leadership of Imposition, Manipulation, and Delegate Exclusion
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The All Progressives Congress (APC) primary election held on Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Ife Federal Constituency has sparked widespread controversy, with aggrieved aspirants and party stakeholders alleging massive irregularities and manipulation during the exercise.
The aspirants accused certain party leaders of compromising the credibility of the primary process, alleging that the exercise was hijacked by desperate political actors allegedly working under the influence of the Osun State APC Chairman, Hon. Tajudeen Lawal, popularly known as “Sooko.”
According to reports gathered from several wards and local government areas within the constituency, many party members and stakeholders were allegedly denied the opportunity to participate in what was expected to be a transparent, free, and fair election. The aggrieved members described the exercise as a deliberate attempt to impose a preferred candidate against the collective will of delegates and party faithful.
Several stakeholders further alleged widespread intimidation, manipulation, and exclusion of recognized party members during the exercise, a development they said has generated tension and dissatisfaction within the party.
The aggrieved aspirants reportedly described the primary as a “scam,” alleging that results and figures were arbitrarily allocated to candidates by the party leadership.
They also alleged that incidents of violence and thuggery characterized parts of the exercise across Ife Federal Constituency, claiming that such developments have raised concerns over fairness, transparency, and internal democracy within the Osun APC.
Some party members further recalled a similar controversy during the May 27, 2022, APC primary election in the constituency, alleging that the same pattern of irregularities occurred during that exercise.
Meanwhile, the aspirants maintained that the outcome of the disputed primary election has yet to receive official recognition from the National Secretariat of the APC, as several petitions and complaints have reportedly been submitted over the conduct of the exercise.
They also noted that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has not officially validated the disputed process, thereby raising further questions regarding the legitimacy and credibility of the primary election.
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Taiwan in the Crossfire of History, Law, and Power: A Feature Analysis of Competing Claims and the One-China Question
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By Michael Olukayode
The status of Taiwan remains one of the most enduring and strategically sensitive disputes in modern international relations — a question where history, law, identity, and geopolitics collide without easy resolution. It is not merely a territorial disagreement between Beijing and Taipei; it is a layered contest over legitimacy, sovereignty, and the meaning of statehood in a shifting global order.
Across recent scholarly salons and policy interventions in Africa and beyond — particularly the Abuja media salon hosted by the China General Chamber of Commerce in Nigeria — a striking convergence has emerged around the One-China Principle, even as interpretations of its implications remain sharply contested.
The Historical Fault Line: 1949 and the Birth of Two Political Realities
The modern Taiwan question originates in the Chinese Civil War, which ended in 1949 with the Communist Party of China establishing the People’s Republic of China on the mainland while the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) government retreated to Taiwan.
As Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim forcefully stated at the Abuja salon:
“Taiwan is not a sovereign entity, it has no independence and it is not a member of the United Nations.”
From Beijing’s perspective, this was not the creation of two states but the continuation of one China under different administrations.
This position aligns with the broader Chinese narrative repeatedly emphasized in diplomatic discourse, including the categorical assertion that:
“Taiwan has never been a country, was never one in the past, and will never be one in the future.”
Taiwan, however, evolved in a very different direction. Over decades, it developed into a functioning democratic polity with its own political institutions, elections, military structure, and constitutional governance.
This divergence produces what scholars describe as a central paradox: a de facto state operating with constrained de jure recognition, facing a sovereign claim from a rising global power.
The Legal Architecture: UN Resolution 2758 and Competing Interpretations
A cornerstone of Beijing’s argument is United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, which restored China’s seat at the United Nations in 1971.
At the Abuja salon, Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim insisted:
“This resolution has explicitly established… that there is only one seat for China in the United Nations, leaving no room for ‘two Chinas’ or ‘one China, one Taiwan’.”
From this perspective, Taiwan is not a separate subject of international law but part of China whose representation is subsumed under Beijing.
Taiwan and its supporters contest this interpretation, arguing that Resolution 2758 addresses representation — not sovereignty — leaving Taiwan’s political status deliberately unresolved.
This legal ambiguity has become what many scholars now describe as structured uncertainty, sustaining diplomatic flexibility while preventing formal resolution.
Beijing’s Position: Sovereignty, Reunification, and Historical Mission
China’s position is rooted in sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national rejuvenation.
As reiterated by President Xi Jinping:
“The great tide of compatriots on both sides of the strait becoming closer, more connected and coming together will not change. This is the verdict of history.”
In Chinese official discourse, reunification is not framed as a negotiable issue but as a historical inevitability tied to national revival.
This perspective was reinforced in Abuja by African analysts who align with Beijing’s framing of sovereignty as non-negotiable, with Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim emphasizing that Africa’s diplomatic alignment reflects a global consensus increasingly anchored in the One-China Principle.
Taiwan’s Position: Democracy, Identity, and De Facto Sovereignty
Taiwan’s position rests on lived political reality and democratic self-governance.
While officially still called the Republic of China, Taiwan functions as an independent political system with its own elections, judiciary, military, and constitution.
Its leadership under President Lai Ching-te emphasizes Taiwan’s distinct political identity and rejects Beijing’s sovereignty claims.
From Beijing’s perspective, this is framed as separatism. From Taiwan’s perspective, it is democratic self-determination.
The result is a deeply entrenched ideological divide: territorial integrity versus political identity.
Strategic Ambiguity and Global Power Politics
A critical dimension of the Taiwan issue is the role of external powers, particularly the United States.
Washington’s policy of strategic ambiguity — recognizing the One-China framework while maintaining unofficial relations with Taiwan — is widely seen as both stabilizing and contradictory.
At the Abuja salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim and other speakers framed external engagement with Taiwan as part of what they described as “separatist encouragement,” while emphasizing African alignment with Beijing’s position.
Africa’s Diplomatic Alignment and the One-China Consensus
A recurring theme in Abuja was overwhelming African diplomatic alignment with Beijing.
As multiple presenters emphasized:
“As of May 2026, 53 out of 54 African nations adhere to the One-China policy.”
The only exception remains Eswatini.
At the salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim argued that this position reflects historical continuity in African diplomacy:
“African nations have consistently stood with China on issues concerning its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
Dr. Segun Showunmi, who is an Ace Public affairs analyst and social impact expert, with experience in governance, policy and civic engagement added that this alignment is not merely political but developmental:
“That consistency created trust and in international politics, trust often translates into investment, infrastructure, and strategic cooperation.”
The Abuja Diplomatic Intervention: China’s Official Position
A defining moment of the salon came from the representative of the Chinese state — the Counsellor of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Nigeria, Ms.Dong Hairong— who reiterated Beijing’s formal position in unambiguous terms:
“There is only one China in the world, and Taiwan is an inalienable part of China.”
This intervention anchored the entire discussion within the framework of Chinese sovereignty doctrine and reinforced that diplomatic relations with China are premised on acceptance of the One-China Principle.
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Prof. Sam Amadi: Strategic Ambiguity as Diplomatic Reality
Professor Sam Amadi, a policy strategist and law and governance expert, Director, Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts,
introduced a more analytical framing, arguing that global practice is defined not by clarity but by managed contradiction.
He stated:
“The One-China principle and One-China policy are clear, but difficult to operationalise.”
He further explained:
“What we have today is strategic ambiguity… meaning they acknowledge, but at the same time, they engage.”
For Amadi, the central question for Africa is not ideological but practical:
“Should we foreclose ambiguity and advance a straight One-China principle, which will exclude all kinds of trade and engagement with Taiwan?”
His conclusion favored diplomatic exclusivity with calibrated economic engagement.
Strategic Realism: Why the Status Quo Persists
Despite rhetorical intensity, the Taiwan issue persists in its unresolved form due to structural constraints:
* China cannot accept formal separation without undermining sovereignty doctrine
* Taiwan cannot accept reunification without losing political autonomy
* The United States benefits strategically from ambiguity
* African states largely align diplomatically with Beijing while prioritizing development ties
As Professor Amadi summarized:
“We acknowledge these principles, but we go back there and also deal with Taiwan in trade… using strategic ambiguity.”
Conclusion: History as Contest, Diplomacy as Equilibrium
The Abuja salon underscored a broader truth about the Taiwan question: it is not merely a territorial dispute but a global governance dilemma.
On one side stands China’s categorical assertion, echoed in Abuja:
“There is only one China.”
On the other stands Taiwan’s democratic identity and de facto autonomy.
Between them lies a global system that simultaneously enforces principle and tolerates ambiguity.
As reflected across the Abuja interventions, including those of Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim, Dr. Segun Showunmi, Prof. Sam Amadi, and the Chinese diplomatic Counsellor, the Taiwan question endures not because it lacks answers — but because every available answer carries strategic consequences the world is unwilling to fully accept.
And so Taiwan remains what it has become in the 21st century: not only a territorial dispute, but a permanent stress test of international order itself.
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