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THE MENTION OF THE NAME, PERE OF OLODIAMA CLAN, EVOKES UGLY MEMORIES

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        In 1986, one Timothy Ofunama, issued a statement saying that Gelegele belonged to Ijaw and that the Oba of Benin had no jurisdiction over it in the welcome address I presented when Omo N’Oba Ewuare II visited Obazuwa on January 28, I enumerated some of the provocative acts of the Ijaws. We wish to state some of them here again.

        In 1985, Philips Oil Company established business in Ughoton. It built a Flow Station in Gelegele. Ijaw fishermen, who lived in stilt-houses around the swamps, came out and began to supply labour to the company. Many of the Benin youths in Ughoton and Gelegele had left the villages in search of a better life in the City. When they heard of the new company and the job opportunities if offered, they returned home to seek employment. The Ijaws were not happy at their return. They feared they would displace them (the Ijaws) in competition for jobs. Suddenly, they attacked the returnees. The attack was so violent and widespread that the government setup an administrative panel, headed by Mr. S. Jamgbadi, a Senior District Officer, to look into it. Part of the panel’s report reads:

“… it is however established that the Ijaws have been resident in Gelegele for many years and that during these years they have acquired landed property and cultivate farms but from the facts in evidence they qualify as TENANTS on the land  their long period of occupation notwithstanding…”

        The Ijaws were not done yet with agitation. They agitated again, the same year, against Philips Company itself. The cause of the agitation was that the company also gave employment to non-Iyaw persons. Government again set up an inquiry to look into the crisis. Part of the panel’s report reads:

“… The inquiry further revealed that the claims by the Ijaws to the monopoly of employment provided by the oil company are not only unpatriotic but also preposterous. The Ijaws have no right whatsoever to prevent the oil company from employing persons of their choice; they should stop threatening the oil company from employing other persons who are not Ijaw…”

        On Thursday, November 20, 1986, as said earlier, Timothy Ofunama, in the publication in the Nigerian Observer said that Gelegele belonged to Ijaw and that the Oba of Benin had no jurisdiction over it. The government reacted to the publication through a press statement issued by the Honourable Commissioner for Local Government, Engr. Enoch Ejofodomi. I reproduce the statement here in full.

1.     My attention has been drawn to a publication at page 4 of the Nigerian Observer Newspaper of Thursday, 20th November, 1986 titled “Public Notice” and credited to one Timothy Ofunama who styled himself as the “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele”. In which he gave the impression that the traditional administration of Gelegele was under the “Pere of Olodiama Clan” and other Ijaw Chiefs in Ovia Local Government Area of Bendel State.

2.     From records available in my Ministry, there is no chieftaincy title known as the “Pere of Olodiama Clan” in Ovia Local Government Area. Also there are no chieftaincy titles known as “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele” and “Amanana-Owei of Gelegele”, as claimed in the above mentioned publication. In this regards the Government couldn’t have appointed anybody to these non-existent chieftaincy stools.

3.     The author of the above mentioned vexations publication also gave the impression that the Oba of  Benin has no right to confer the chieftaincy title of “Okao of Gelegele” on Chief I. Iyonmahari and that Gelegele and some other Ijaw towns in Ovia Local Government Area are not under the jurisdiction of the Oba of Benin. In this regard, my Ministry wants to make it abundantly clear that the Oba of Benin who is the traditional paramount ruler in Benin kingdom is the Prescribed Authority for Oredo, Orhionmwon and Ovia Local Government Areas by virtues of Bendel State Legal Notice 44 of 1979 published in the Bendel State Legal Notice 44 of 1979 published in the Bendel State of Nigeria Extraordinary Gazette No. 51. Vol. 16 of 28th, September, 1979; He therefore acted within his constitutional powers: as the prescribed Authority for the area ‘when he appointed Chief I. Iyonmahan as the Okao of Gelegele. It is also pertinent to point out that Gelegele in Ovia Local Government Area is part and parcel of Bini land under the jurisdiction of the Oba of Benin having regard to the judgment of the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered on 11th August, 1983 which made it clear that the land known as Gelegele belongs to the Binis.

4.     In the light of the foregoing, Government sews the action of Timothy Ofunama who calls himself the “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele” as an attempt to incite the law abiding Ijaw citizens in Gelegele against their host as capable of causing serious disaffection among the entire community in that part of Ovia Local Government Area. I want to stress that Government will not tolerate that state of affairs which is capable of jeopardizing the peace, order and good government in the area.

5.     For the purpose of clarification, it is considered necessary to inform the general public that it is not only contemptuous to reopen an issue on which the Supreme Court had already delivered judgment but that it is also unlawful for anyone to call himself a chief or allow himself to be so called or addressed if he has not been conferred with a chieftaincy title by a competent authority and has not been registered by the Ministry of Local Government as a Chief.

6.     Finally, I want to warn that all those who are party to the aforementioned publication should desist forthwith from parading themselves either as traditional rulers or as traditional chiefs as the penalty for their actions under Sections 20 and 26 of the Traditional Rulers and Chiefs Law, 1979 is imprisonment for six months and two years respectively without an option of a fine.

(Engr. Enoch Ejofodomi)

Commissioner for Local Government

Ministry of Local Government

Benin City.

10th December 1986

        The Ijaws still claim ownership of Gelegele. Yet, the question of who owns Gelegele had gone through litigation and had long been settled.

        At the High Court of Justice, Benin, in suit B/44/1970, Judgment was delivered in favour of Benins by Honourable Justice Ekeruche on December 22, 1978. Part of the judgment reacts.

        “…finally, I enter judgment in this case as follows: for the avoidance of all doubts, argument or controversy, I hear say unequivocally, that Gelegele village and its environs and bushes are Benin land. They do not belong to the Ijaws of Gelegele as owners. The Ijaws are tenants of His Highness Akenzua II the Oba of Benin. Apart from above, the plaintiffs’ claims are dismissed in their entirety”.

Dissatisfied with the judgment, the Ijaws went to the Court of Appeal, Benin. The court dismissed their appeal and delivered judgment in favour of Benin. The lead judgment was read by Honourable Justice Abdul Ganiyu Agbaje on December 16, 1981.

Still on satisfied, they headed for the Supreme Court. In Suit SC. 131/1/1982, Honourable Justice, Muhamadu Lawani Uwais (CJN) and four (4) others, on August 19, 1983 also dismisses their appeal and up-held the judgment of the lower courts. The CJN concluded thus:

“… For three reasons I am of the opinion that the appellants’ argument in support of the sole ground of appeal should be discountenanced. The appeal therefore fails and it is dismissed with N300.00 costs to the respondents. The decision of the Federal Court of Appeal is affirmed…”

The Supreme Court awarded costs against the Ijaws. Despite these judgments, the various reports and government statements, the Ijaws still claim ownership of Gelegele!

In 1987, they attacked Benin indigenes in Iko and Isekiri and Urhobo settlers there. They destroyed the Ogua-edion in Iko, they moved up-hill, to Ikonoke and unleashed mayhem. Benin indigenes in Ikonoke and in Ikonugboghodo fled, giving room to the Ijaws to entrench themselves in both places. At that time and up till the early 90s, one Pa Igbinosun, a Benin man, was the Odionwere of Iko, they have forayed into Agbomoba, Ozomu, Igbobi, Ekete, Ite, Orogo, Ewudu, Abiala, Eki-ohuan (now known as Ekewan), Okomu and Gelegele. They maim the Benin people in these communities and destroy their properties.

In June 2011, we, offered a parcel of land to Edo State government for the erection of a model school block. The Government sent a team led by the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education, then Mrs. Idaho is now the Head of Service. In anticipation of the inspection, we directed Obazuwa boys to demarcate the plot. As the boys were measuring it, Ijaws militants descended on them with machetes, guns, and clubs. Without any provocation, they brutalized the boys and abducted two of them. Obazuwa boys were unnamed and defenseless.

We sent an S.O.S to the Governor who directed his Chief of Staff, then Barr. Osarodion Ogie, to take up the matter with the Commissioner of Police. The Police Commissioner promptly dispatched a team of policemen from Evbotubu Police Station to rescue the abducted boys. He sent another team from SARS to arrest the militants who brutalized the boys, destroyed their motorcycles and a car. Those arrested were charged to Okada Magistrate’s Court where the case is still pending up till now.

In order to strengthen their claim of ownership of Gelegele, they have now coined names, Gelegelegbene and Gelegele-ama. These names are new. In all their previous write-ups and the dispatches by early European visitors. Gelegele had always been known and spelt as Gelegele. The use of Gelegelegbene and Gelegele-ama which they have only recently coined is ludicrous and intellectually dishonest.

Our people got judgment in the Supreme Court 34 years ago. Now they want to claim their judgment right. Those who were driven away from their homeland, Abiala, and Ikon’oke, want to return home. They want to erect a house in Gelegele for the Okao of Gelegele who was installed there by the Oba of Benin.

The Edo State Ijaws are bellicose, belligerent, militant, quarrelsome and unfriendly. They are fighting the Itsekiris in Warri; they are fighting the Urhobos, the Ibibios and the Ilajes. They are claiming land whereas they traditionally live in swamps along the coastal areas in houses they build on stilts.

The so-called Beni-Ebe, Toru-Ebe Kengama and Abadi States which they requested the Senate to create for them in 2009, traverses the whole of the Nigerian coastline, encroaching of Benin, Ibibio, Ilaje and Itsekiri territories.

We plead for your support in curbing the Ijaw aggressiveness and in enforcing the Supreme Court Judgment for which the Ijaws have rudely insulted the highest court in the Country, Honourable Justice, and the Chief Justice of Nigeria whom they contemptuously described as fraudulent.

This press statement was endorsed by HRH Prince Edun Akenzua, MFR, FNGE, Ogie-Obazuwa and six other Enigie for on behalf of 48 communities in the affected areas in the Benin Kingdom.

 

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Between Hope and History: What Nigerians Expect from Tegbe as Power Minister

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By Michael Olukayode
For decades, electricity has remained Nigeria’s most enduring national embarrassment. From military administrations to democratic governments, promises of stable power supply have come and gone with little to show beyond recurring darkness, collapsing grids, abandoned projects and rising public frustration.

Now, with the appointment of Joseph Olasunkanmi Tegbe as Minister of Power, expectations are once again rising. Yet unlike in previous eras, Nigerians are no longer impressed by ambitious declarations. They are demanding results.

The question confronting Tegbe is not whether he understands the scale of the crisis. It is whether he can succeed where many before him failed.

Nigeria’s electricity sector is littered with the ruins of grand promises.

From the Olusegun Obasanjo administration’s multi-billion dollar National Integrated Power Projects (NIPP), to the Goodluck Jonathan-era privatisation of generation and distribution companies, successive governments repeatedly promised that stable electricity was around the corner. Under former President Muhammadu Buhari, Nigerians were told that the Siemens-backed Presidential Power Initiative would revolutionise transmission and distribution. The current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu also pledged sweeping reforms, improved generation and a more efficient market-driven electricity sector.

Yet millions of Nigerians still rely on generators as their primary source of power.

The irony remains painful: Africa’s largest economy continues to generate barely between 4,000 and 5,000 megawatts for over 200 million people, despite an installed capacity exceeding 13,000MW.

Entire industries have collapsed under the burden of self-generated electricity. Small businesses spend more on diesel than on salaries. Manufacturers complain of rising operational costs. Students study under torchlights. Hospitals struggle to preserve vaccines and operate life-saving equipment. For many Nigerians, electricity is not merely an infrastructure issue; it is the dividing line between poverty and productivity.

That is why Tegbe’s appointment comes with enormous pressure.

Unlike many previous political appointees in the sector, Tegbe comes into office with the image of a technocrat rather than a career politician. A chartered accountant and management consultant, he built his reputation in the private sector through years of corporate advisory work, investment strategy and institutional restructuring. He previously served as the Director-General and Global Liaison for the Nigeria-China Strategic Partnership, where he was credited with helping to deepen investment engagement between Nigeria and Chinese investors in infrastructure, manufacturing and industrial development initiatives.

Before that appointment, Tegbe had a long corporate career spanning consulting, finance and business transformation. He worked with multinational consulting firm Deloitte and later became a senior business strategist with extensive experience in public-private partnerships, governance systems and economic planning. Supporters argue that this background gives him a better understanding of the financial and structural complexities that have crippled Nigeria’s power sector for years.

His defenders also point to his record in economic coordination and institutional reforms, arguing that the electricity crisis is no longer just a technical problem but a management and governance challenge requiring strategic execution, investor confidence and policy discipline.

At his Senate screening, Tegbe outlined a reform agenda focused on improving gas supply, strengthening grid reliability, accelerating metering, enforcing accountability among distribution companies and restoring financial discipline across the sector.

Those priorities are significant because Nigeria’s electricity crisis is no longer just about generation. The problems are systemic.

Generation companies complain of unpaid debts and inadequate gas supply. Distribution companies struggle with huge financial losses, weak infrastructure, electricity theft and poor revenue collection. Transmission infrastructure remains fragile and outdated, leading to frequent system collapses and stranded power capacity.

The national grid itself has become symbolic of institutional weakness. Grid collapses have repeatedly plunged large sections of the country into darkness, disrupting businesses and exposing the fragility of the system. Regulatory reports continue to show wide gaps between installed generation capacity and actual available electricity supply.

For many Nigerians, these recurring failures have destroyed public confidence.

Citizens openly question whether government officials genuinely intend to solve the crisis or merely manage it politically. Some blame corruption and weak regulation; others argue that decades of policy inconsistency and poor implementation are the real culprits.

That skepticism explains why Tegbe’s promises are being greeted with cautious optimism rather than celebration.

Still, his supporters believe he enters office with certain advantages. His experience in corporate restructuring and investment negotiations may prove useful in a sector desperate for efficiency, investor confidence and credible execution. But technical knowledge alone will not solve Nigeria’s electricity crisis.

What the sector requires most is political courage.

Any meaningful reform will involve difficult decisions: enforcing payment discipline, restructuring failing distribution companies, addressing subsidy distortions, improving tariff transparency, tackling electricity theft and compelling stronger private sector accountability. These reforms are politically sensitive because electricity affects every household and business in the country.

The minister must also confront the deeper institutional problem that has undermined previous reforms — weak governance.

Over the years, billions of dollars have reportedly been invested in power infrastructure with minimal impact on supply. Projects are often launched with fanfare only to disappear into bureaucratic delays, contractual disputes or funding crises. Nigerians have grown weary of ceremonial commissioning without measurable outcomes.

That is why measurable targets will matter more than speeches.

If Tegbe hopes to build public trust, Nigerians will expect clear timelines, transparent reporting and visible improvements in supply stability. Citizens want fewer excuses and more accountability. They want to know why power plants cannot get gas despite Nigeria’s enormous natural gas reserves. They want to know why transmission bottlenecks continue years after repeated intervention programmes. They want to know why estimated billing still persists despite promises of mass metering.

Most importantly, they want leadership that acknowledges that electricity is central to national development.

No serious industrial economy can thrive in darkness.

Countries that transformed their economies invested heavily in stable electricity infrastructure. Without reliable power, Nigeria’s ambitions for industrialisation, digital innovation, manufacturing growth and foreign investment will remain severely constrained.

The challenge before Tegbe therefore goes beyond fixing transformers or stabilising the grid. His real assignment is to restore credibility to a sector where public trust has nearly collapsed.

There are signs that structural reforms may finally be gaining momentum. The Electricity Act 2023 has opened the door for states to develop independent electricity markets, reducing overdependence on the fragile national grid. Several states are already moving toward decentralised power arrangements.

But Nigerians have heard reform language before.

What they seek now is evidence.

The success or failure of Tegbe’s tenure may ultimately depend on one simple question: can his administration deliver stable and predictable improvement, even if gradual?

If he succeeds, he could become the minister who finally begins the long-delayed transformation of Nigeria’s electricity sector.

If he fails, he risks joining a long list of officials whose promises disappeared into the darkness Nigerians know too well.

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Ekiti North Residents Reject Fasuyi, Fault Repeated Claims Against Tinubu on Project Funding

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……Stop Using Governor Oyebanji’s Name” — Orin Ora

…….Ward Fires Warning Over Fasuyi Endorsement

Fresh political tension reportedly erupted in Orin Ora Ward, Ido/Osi Local Government Area of Ekiti State, as aggrieved party members and residents allegedly rejected the re-election bid of Senator Cyril Fasuyi over what they described as “three years without visible development.”

The protest mood in the ward was said to have intensified following claims that the senator had repeatedly blamed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for not funding constituency projects and budget allocations.

According to sources within the ward, residents expressed frustration over what they called “unfulfilled promises, lack of empowerment, and absence of meaningful projects” since the senator assumed office.

Political stakeholders in Orin Ora Ward were also said to have rejected alleged attempts to impose Senator Fasuyi on the people ahead of the 2027 elections.

“There is no Sakamaje endorsement here. Orin Ora Ward cannot be forced into supporting any candidate,” a party source reportedly declared.

The stakeholders further warned against dragging the name of Governor Biodun Oyebanji into what they described as “political imposition tactics.”

Residents reportedly insisted that any endorsement must reflect the genuine wishes of the people and not political pressure from powerful interests.

 

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Drama as Petition Surfaces Against Senator Fasuyi at APC Screening

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The ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, on Friday began the screening of aspirants for various elective positions ahead of its 2027 election primaries, with a member from Ekiti State, Afuye Idowu, filing the first petition, calling for the disqualification of Senator Cyril Fasuyi from the forthcoming Ekiti North Senatorial District primary elections.

The petition, dated May 2, 2026 and addressed to APC National Chairman, Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, accused Fasuyi — who currently represents Ekiti North Senatorial District in the Senate and is seeking the party’s ticket for a return — of poor legislative performance, violation of the petitioner’s fundamental rights, and instigating his unlawful arrest and imprisonment on false allegations.

The petition was copied to the APC National Secretary, Senator Basiru Ajibola, and the APC Senatorial Primary Elections Screening Committee.

On legislative performance, Idowu said Fasuyi had nothing to show for nearly three years in the Senate. “In the almost three years that Senator Cyril Fasuyi has been a member of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, he has not personally sponsored any landmark legislation or bill that will benefit the people of Ekiti North Senatorial District, Ekiti State or Nigeria as a whole.

“He is not reported to have moved any serious motion or made any significant contributions to debates on the floor of the Senate, which implies that the people of Ekiti North Senatorial District do not have a voice of representation in the Senate,” the petitioner stated.

The petitioner also recounted how a public review he conducted in 2025, assessing the performance of past and present National Assembly members, drew a violent response from the senator.

While he said other lawmakers were inspired to better performance by his observations, Fasuyi allegedly took offence and sent thugs to harass him on several occasions.

The situation, according to Idowu, escalated dramatically on the night of July 31, 2025, when he said officers of the Rapid Response Squad RRS of the Ekiti State Police Command arrested him around 9pm at a private residence on the instigation of the senator, and without any prior invitation or notification.

“I was detained and taken before an Ado Ekiti Magistrate Court. Before my arraignment, I was informed that I could be released only if I promised that I would retract my previous statements about the poor performance of Senator Fasuyi and begin to praise him,” he wrote.

When he refused to make such a promise, the RRS officers applied for him to be remanded in the custody of the Nigerian Correctional Service NCoS for 14 days while investigations continued.

“The charges against me were subsequently withdrawn based on lack of evidence and I was discharged,” he stated.

Idowu argued that the 2027 elections must produce legislators capable of giving legislative support to the administration’s reform programme.

“An assessment of Senator Cyril Fasuyi during the time he has so far spent as a member of the National Assembly clearly shows that he is completely antithetical to the Renewed Hope Agenda and the ideology of our great Party. A non-performer like him surely does not deserve to be on the ballot as a candidate of our Party in the 2027 elections,” he wrote.

He urged the national chairman to ensure that only competent aspirants are cleared for the senatorial primary election, from which a deserving candidate would emerge for the 2027 contest.

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