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THE MENTION OF THE NAME, PERE OF OLODIAMA CLAN, EVOKES UGLY MEMORIES

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        In 1986, one Timothy Ofunama, issued a statement saying that Gelegele belonged to Ijaw and that the Oba of Benin had no jurisdiction over it in the welcome address I presented when Omo N’Oba Ewuare II visited Obazuwa on January 28, I enumerated some of the provocative acts of the Ijaws. We wish to state some of them here again.

        In 1985, Philips Oil Company established business in Ughoton. It built a Flow Station in Gelegele. Ijaw fishermen, who lived in stilt-houses around the swamps, came out and began to supply labour to the company. Many of the Benin youths in Ughoton and Gelegele had left the villages in search of a better life in the City. When they heard of the new company and the job opportunities if offered, they returned home to seek employment. The Ijaws were not happy at their return. They feared they would displace them (the Ijaws) in competition for jobs. Suddenly, they attacked the returnees. The attack was so violent and widespread that the government setup an administrative panel, headed by Mr. S. Jamgbadi, a Senior District Officer, to look into it. Part of the panel’s report reads:

“… it is however established that the Ijaws have been resident in Gelegele for many years and that during these years they have acquired landed property and cultivate farms but from the facts in evidence they qualify as TENANTS on the land  their long period of occupation notwithstanding…”

        The Ijaws were not done yet with agitation. They agitated again, the same year, against Philips Company itself. The cause of the agitation was that the company also gave employment to non-Iyaw persons. Government again set up an inquiry to look into the crisis. Part of the panel’s report reads:

“… The inquiry further revealed that the claims by the Ijaws to the monopoly of employment provided by the oil company are not only unpatriotic but also preposterous. The Ijaws have no right whatsoever to prevent the oil company from employing persons of their choice; they should stop threatening the oil company from employing other persons who are not Ijaw…”

        On Thursday, November 20, 1986, as said earlier, Timothy Ofunama, in the publication in the Nigerian Observer said that Gelegele belonged to Ijaw and that the Oba of Benin had no jurisdiction over it. The government reacted to the publication through a press statement issued by the Honourable Commissioner for Local Government, Engr. Enoch Ejofodomi. I reproduce the statement here in full.

1.     My attention has been drawn to a publication at page 4 of the Nigerian Observer Newspaper of Thursday, 20th November, 1986 titled “Public Notice” and credited to one Timothy Ofunama who styled himself as the “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele”. In which he gave the impression that the traditional administration of Gelegele was under the “Pere of Olodiama Clan” and other Ijaw Chiefs in Ovia Local Government Area of Bendel State.

2.     From records available in my Ministry, there is no chieftaincy title known as the “Pere of Olodiama Clan” in Ovia Local Government Area. Also there are no chieftaincy titles known as “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele” and “Amanana-Owei of Gelegele”, as claimed in the above mentioned publication. In this regards the Government couldn’t have appointed anybody to these non-existent chieftaincy stools.

3.     The author of the above mentioned vexations publication also gave the impression that the Oba of  Benin has no right to confer the chieftaincy title of “Okao of Gelegele” on Chief I. Iyonmahari and that Gelegele and some other Ijaw towns in Ovia Local Government Area are not under the jurisdiction of the Oba of Benin. In this regard, my Ministry wants to make it abundantly clear that the Oba of Benin who is the traditional paramount ruler in Benin kingdom is the Prescribed Authority for Oredo, Orhionmwon and Ovia Local Government Areas by virtues of Bendel State Legal Notice 44 of 1979 published in the Bendel State Legal Notice 44 of 1979 published in the Bendel State of Nigeria Extraordinary Gazette No. 51. Vol. 16 of 28th, September, 1979; He therefore acted within his constitutional powers: as the prescribed Authority for the area ‘when he appointed Chief I. Iyonmahan as the Okao of Gelegele. It is also pertinent to point out that Gelegele in Ovia Local Government Area is part and parcel of Bini land under the jurisdiction of the Oba of Benin having regard to the judgment of the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered on 11th August, 1983 which made it clear that the land known as Gelegele belongs to the Binis.

4.     In the light of the foregoing, Government sews the action of Timothy Ofunama who calls himself the “Ama-Okosuwei of Gelegele” as an attempt to incite the law abiding Ijaw citizens in Gelegele against their host as capable of causing serious disaffection among the entire community in that part of Ovia Local Government Area. I want to stress that Government will not tolerate that state of affairs which is capable of jeopardizing the peace, order and good government in the area.

5.     For the purpose of clarification, it is considered necessary to inform the general public that it is not only contemptuous to reopen an issue on which the Supreme Court had already delivered judgment but that it is also unlawful for anyone to call himself a chief or allow himself to be so called or addressed if he has not been conferred with a chieftaincy title by a competent authority and has not been registered by the Ministry of Local Government as a Chief.

6.     Finally, I want to warn that all those who are party to the aforementioned publication should desist forthwith from parading themselves either as traditional rulers or as traditional chiefs as the penalty for their actions under Sections 20 and 26 of the Traditional Rulers and Chiefs Law, 1979 is imprisonment for six months and two years respectively without an option of a fine.

(Engr. Enoch Ejofodomi)

Commissioner for Local Government

Ministry of Local Government

Benin City.

10th December 1986

        The Ijaws still claim ownership of Gelegele. Yet, the question of who owns Gelegele had gone through litigation and had long been settled.

        At the High Court of Justice, Benin, in suit B/44/1970, Judgment was delivered in favour of Benins by Honourable Justice Ekeruche on December 22, 1978. Part of the judgment reacts.

        “…finally, I enter judgment in this case as follows: for the avoidance of all doubts, argument or controversy, I hear say unequivocally, that Gelegele village and its environs and bushes are Benin land. They do not belong to the Ijaws of Gelegele as owners. The Ijaws are tenants of His Highness Akenzua II the Oba of Benin. Apart from above, the plaintiffs’ claims are dismissed in their entirety”.

Dissatisfied with the judgment, the Ijaws went to the Court of Appeal, Benin. The court dismissed their appeal and delivered judgment in favour of Benin. The lead judgment was read by Honourable Justice Abdul Ganiyu Agbaje on December 16, 1981.

Still on satisfied, they headed for the Supreme Court. In Suit SC. 131/1/1982, Honourable Justice, Muhamadu Lawani Uwais (CJN) and four (4) others, on August 19, 1983 also dismisses their appeal and up-held the judgment of the lower courts. The CJN concluded thus:

“… For three reasons I am of the opinion that the appellants’ argument in support of the sole ground of appeal should be discountenanced. The appeal therefore fails and it is dismissed with N300.00 costs to the respondents. The decision of the Federal Court of Appeal is affirmed…”

The Supreme Court awarded costs against the Ijaws. Despite these judgments, the various reports and government statements, the Ijaws still claim ownership of Gelegele!

In 1987, they attacked Benin indigenes in Iko and Isekiri and Urhobo settlers there. They destroyed the Ogua-edion in Iko, they moved up-hill, to Ikonoke and unleashed mayhem. Benin indigenes in Ikonoke and in Ikonugboghodo fled, giving room to the Ijaws to entrench themselves in both places. At that time and up till the early 90s, one Pa Igbinosun, a Benin man, was the Odionwere of Iko, they have forayed into Agbomoba, Ozomu, Igbobi, Ekete, Ite, Orogo, Ewudu, Abiala, Eki-ohuan (now known as Ekewan), Okomu and Gelegele. They maim the Benin people in these communities and destroy their properties.

In June 2011, we, offered a parcel of land to Edo State government for the erection of a model school block. The Government sent a team led by the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education, then Mrs. Idaho is now the Head of Service. In anticipation of the inspection, we directed Obazuwa boys to demarcate the plot. As the boys were measuring it, Ijaws militants descended on them with machetes, guns, and clubs. Without any provocation, they brutalized the boys and abducted two of them. Obazuwa boys were unnamed and defenseless.

We sent an S.O.S to the Governor who directed his Chief of Staff, then Barr. Osarodion Ogie, to take up the matter with the Commissioner of Police. The Police Commissioner promptly dispatched a team of policemen from Evbotubu Police Station to rescue the abducted boys. He sent another team from SARS to arrest the militants who brutalized the boys, destroyed their motorcycles and a car. Those arrested were charged to Okada Magistrate’s Court where the case is still pending up till now.

In order to strengthen their claim of ownership of Gelegele, they have now coined names, Gelegelegbene and Gelegele-ama. These names are new. In all their previous write-ups and the dispatches by early European visitors. Gelegele had always been known and spelt as Gelegele. The use of Gelegelegbene and Gelegele-ama which they have only recently coined is ludicrous and intellectually dishonest.

Our people got judgment in the Supreme Court 34 years ago. Now they want to claim their judgment right. Those who were driven away from their homeland, Abiala, and Ikon’oke, want to return home. They want to erect a house in Gelegele for the Okao of Gelegele who was installed there by the Oba of Benin.

The Edo State Ijaws are bellicose, belligerent, militant, quarrelsome and unfriendly. They are fighting the Itsekiris in Warri; they are fighting the Urhobos, the Ibibios and the Ilajes. They are claiming land whereas they traditionally live in swamps along the coastal areas in houses they build on stilts.

The so-called Beni-Ebe, Toru-Ebe Kengama and Abadi States which they requested the Senate to create for them in 2009, traverses the whole of the Nigerian coastline, encroaching of Benin, Ibibio, Ilaje and Itsekiri territories.

We plead for your support in curbing the Ijaw aggressiveness and in enforcing the Supreme Court Judgment for which the Ijaws have rudely insulted the highest court in the Country, Honourable Justice, and the Chief Justice of Nigeria whom they contemptuously described as fraudulent.

This press statement was endorsed by HRH Prince Edun Akenzua, MFR, FNGE, Ogie-Obazuwa and six other Enigie for on behalf of 48 communities in the affected areas in the Benin Kingdom.

 

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Alleged Coup Attempt Against Tinubu, Fraud Charges: Sylva Faces Possible Arraignment in Absentia

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Former Bayelsa State Governor, Timipre Sylva, has yet to return to the country months after his Abuja residence was raided by operatives of the Defence Intelligence Agency.

It was reported that the raid was connected with investigations into the alleged coup attempt against President Bola Tinubu.

Our correspondence gathered that Sylva, who was also declared wanted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission over alleged $14,859,257 fraud, might be arraigned in absentia for financial crimes.

Top officers of the Department of State Services and the EFCC told one of our correspondents that the International Criminal Police Organisation and other Nigerian partners in the war against crime were currently trailing the former governor.

The Defence Headquarters had, in October 2025, dismissed reports of a coup attempt, despite the arrest and detention of 16 officers accused of sponsoring the plot.

The DHQ, in a statement by its Director of Defence Information, Brig Gen Tukur Gusau, on October 18, 2025, denied a Sahara Reporters story linking the detention of the officers to a failed coup and the cancellation of the October 1 Independence Day parade.

Gusau described the report as “intended to cause unnecessary tension and distrust among the populace.”

“The ongoing investigation involving the 16 officers is a routine internal process aimed at ensuring discipline and professionalism within the ranks. An investigative panel has been duly constituted, and its findings will be made public,” he said.

However, last Monday, the military backtracked, confirming that there was indeed a plot to topple Tinubu’s administration.

Presenting the outcome of investigations on the detained officers, the new Director of Defence Information, Maj Gen Samaila Uba, said the findings identified several officers with cases to answer over allegations of plotting to overthrow the government.

He said, “The findings identified a number of officers with allegations of plotting to overthrow the government, which is inconsistent with the ethics, values and professional standards required of members of the AFN.”

He noted that those indicted would be formally arraigned before relevant military judicial panels to face trial in line with the Armed Forces Act and other applicable service regulations.

Following the arrest of the 16 military officers, Sylva’s Abuja residence was raided on October 25, 2025, by operatives of the DIA.

Sylva was out of the country at the time his house was raided, but his younger brother, Paga, who serves as his Special Assistant on Domestic Affairs, along with his driver, was arrested during the operation.

Also, the former governor was declared wanted on November 10, 2025, over an alleged case of “conspiracy and dishonest conversion” of $14,859,257, part of funds injected by the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board into Atlantic International Refinery and Petrochemical Limited for the construction of a refinery.

However, Sylva’s Special Assistant on Media and Public Affairs, Julius Bokoru, dismissed reports linking his principal to the coup plot, describing them as baseless and politically motivated.

He described the reports as the handiwork of “desperate and self-seeking politicians seeking to actualise their ambitions ahead of the 2027 elections.”

In a statement, Bokoru condemned the EFCC’s action, noting that the former minister was undergoing medical examination in the UK and would honour the commission’s invitation upon his return to Nigeria.

However, three months after being declared wanted, Sylva has yet to return to the country.

Our Findings revealed that the EFCC had alerted Interpol to facilitate the arrest of the former governor.

Although the Interpol spokesperson in Nigeria, Benjamin Hundeyin, who also doubles as the Force Public Relations Officer, neither answered calls nor responded to messages sent to his phone, top security officers, including DSS and police personnel, said Interpol was involved in efforts to apprehend Sylva.

“Interpol was contacted immediately after the former governor was declared wanted. Apart from the EFCC, the service is also after him. He can’t hide forever. He should submit himself for investigation if he is indeed innocent.

“Nnamdi Kanu was out of the country for a while, thinking he was off the radar. But where is he today? We will also get Sylva,” said a DSS operative knowledgeable about the matter.

Similarly, an EFCC officer, who spoke  with our correspondence on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak on the matter, disclosed that Sylva would be arraigned.

“He is still on our wanted list. We are looking for the right time to arraign him. However, investigations are ongoing. We are building our case against him and, when concluded, he will be charged,” the source said.

Asked if the commission would proceed to court before his apprehension, the source said Sylva could be arraigned in absentia.

“It is possible, and the law makes provision for it. However, we have not concluded that this is the option we will take. But legally, it is possible,” he added.

Speaking with one of our correspondents, another EFCC operative urged the former governor to turn himself in.

“When a suspect of such status is declared wanted, all our partners around the world are placed on notice. Wherever he is, he will be traced. The right thing to do is to turn yourself in,” he added.

However, when contacted last Thursday, Sylva’s spokesperson declined to comment on the matter.

“Given the confirmation by the Defence Headquarters, this is now a national security matter. I am not in a position to comment on speculations, travel or investigations. Relevant authorities are best placed to speak when appropriate,” Bokoru said in a text message.

 

 

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Nigeria and Türkiye Agree to Accelerate Trade, Energy and Defence Partnerships, Says Tinubu

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President Bola Tinubu says Nigeria and Türkiye have agreed to fast-track cooperation in trade, energy and defence to boost jobs, investment and shared prosperity.

The President disclosed this on Tuesday via his official X handle during his ongoing State Visit to Ankara, Türkiye.

Tinubu said discussions with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan focused on deepening bilateral relations and delivering tangible economic benefits for citizens of both countries.

“President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and I reaffirmed our shared ambition, which speaks directly to jobs, investment and opportunity for our people,” the President said.

He said both leaders agreed on the need to expand trade volumes and remove structural barriers limiting business growth between Nigeria and Türkiye.

“We are creating a clear pathway to a five-billion-dollar trade volume between Nigeria and Türkiye,” Tinubu stated.

The President described the talks as practical and forward-looking, driven by mutual interests and shared regional and global responsibilities.

“Our conversations were practical and forward-looking: trade and investment, energy, education, defence cooperation, peace and security,” he said.

Tinubu announced the establishment of a Joint Economy and Trade Committee to drive implementation of agreements and attract fresh investments.

“The creation of a Joint Economy and Trade Committee will unlock new flows of capital,” the President noted.

He said the committee would also support industrial growth, technology transfer and stronger private sector participation.

Tinubu welcomed President Erdoğan’s acknowledgement of Nigeria’s ongoing reforms, especially in the energy and investment sectors.

“I welcome President Erdoğan’s recognition of Nigeria’s reform momentum, particularly in the energy sector,” he said.

The President said the renewed confidence reflected Nigeria’s commitment to transparency, stability and sustainable economic growth.

“We are determined to build an economy that works for everyone, including the most vulnerable,” Tinubu added.

On regional security, Tinubu reaffirmed Nigeria’s responsibility to promote peace and stability across Africa.

“Nigeria will continue to play its role in peace and stability in Africa,” the President said.

He said Türkiye’s expertise in counter-terrorism and defence cooperation would strengthen collective responses to emerging security threats.

“Türkiye’s experience and readiness to cooperate in training, intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism strengthen our resolve,” he stated.

Tinubu said nine bilateral agreements were exchanged at the end of the meetings between both leaders.

The agreements cover defence, education, media cooperation, diaspora policy, trade facilitation, social development and institutional collaboration.

“Nigeria remains open for serious partnership. Open to trade without barriers, ideas, skills and investment that create value and shared prosperity,” he said.

Tinubu reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to inclusive growth, peaceful coexistence and active global engagement.

“We are building an inclusive economy. We are strengthening peace. Nigeria will continue to engage the world with confidence and clarity,” Tinubu said.

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Strengthening Cultural Leadership to Eliminate Violence Against Women and Girls

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Op-Ed | By Maxime Houinato

As Africa stands at a crossroads in the fight against violence targeting women and girls, the continent’s traditional leaders hold a uniquely powerful key to unlocking lasting change. Their influence—rooted in culture, authority and community trust—positions them not just as custodians of heritage, but as essential partners in redefining norms, protecting rights and leading a continental shift toward safety, dignity and equality for every woman and girl.

In the coming week, traditional leaders from across Africa will meet in Lagos to explore how culture can advance dignity, safety, and equality. Their convening could not be timelier. Violence against women and girls remains widespread, underreported, and a major obstacle to achieving Agenda 2063 and the SDGs. Recent UN and WHO findings confirm that intimate partner and sexual violence persist at alarming levels, underscoring the need for strong, locally led prevention and accountability.
This important convening in Lagos is made possible through the valued support and partnership of the Ford Foundation, whose long-standing commitment to gender justice, human rights, and community-led solutions continues to strengthen efforts across Africa to end violence against women and girls.
Sub-Saharan Africa records some of the world’s highest rates of intimate partner violence, with studies showing that over 40% of women surveyed have experienced emotional, physical, or sexual abuse. Regional data platforms confirm that both lifetime and recent intimate partner violence remain alarmingly common. The effects also span generations: research across 37 African countries links mothers’ experiences of violence to higher risks of illness, undernutrition, and even death among children under five, highlighting IPV as a major threat to child survival and public health.
Where culture must evolve
Africa has made notable strides, yet harmful practices still put millions of girls at risk. West and Central Africa remain the global epicentre of child marriage: nearly 60 million women and girls in the region were married before 18, with Nigeria bearing the largest absolute numbers. These figures, drawn from UNICEF’s databases, remind us that while progress is possible, it is not guaranteed without sustained, community-anchored change.
There are bright spots. In Kenya, the latest Demographic and Health Survey shows FGM prevalence fell to about 15% in 2022, down from 21% in 2014, a testament to policy commitment and local norm change. Yet prevalence remains extremely high among several communities, and sustained vigilance is required to prevent medicalisation or cross-border practices.
Nigerian realities, African momentum
Nigeria mirrors the continental picture: national surveys and administrative data point to widespread physical, sexual and emotional violence, with thousands of cases reported to authorities each year, figures that almost certainly undercount the true burden. The Government’s National GBV Data Collation Tool is an important step toward standardising reporting and improving coordination; scaling it nationwide and linking it to survivor-centred services will save lives.
Encouragingly, the upcoming Conference of African Traditional Leaders in Lagos, already drawing commitments from eminent leaders, signals growing recognition that cultural authority can be mobilised to protect women and girls. UN Women’s work with traditional councils across Africa has shown that when custodians of culture publicly denounce harmful practices, backed by evidence and community dialogue, norms shift and laws gain legitimacy. It is why we helped catalyse platforms like the Council of Traditional Leaders of Africa to champion the abandonment of child marriage and FGM.
Law works best when culture leads
Africa’s legal architecture has advanced. The Maputo Protocol, our continental bill of women’s rights, has spurred reforms, and the African Commission recently moved to develop a Model Law to accelerate domestication and harmonisation across countries. These instruments matter: they provide standards, remedies and budgets. But their power is realised when interpreted through community values that affirm women’s dignity.
Evidence from the Spotlight Initiative, the EU-UN partnership with the African Union, shows that multi-sector, locally-led approaches can reduce harmful practices, strengthen services, and improve prevention. Traditional and religious leaders who champion public declarations, alternative rites of passage, and community bylaws help convert state law into lived practice.
A practical agenda for traditional leaders
I urge traditional leaders to make clear, practical commitments that have been proven to drive change: publicly and repeatedly denounce harmful practices such as child marriage, widowhood rites and FGM, backing declarations with community bylaws aligned with national law; promote survivor-centred justice in customary systems through strong referral pathways, bans on forced reconciliation, and proper case documentation; safeguard girls’ childhoods by ensuring birth and marriage registration, enforcing 18 as the minimum age of marriage, and supporting re-entry to school for married or parenting girls; encourage alternative rites of passage and positive models of masculinity that reject violence; and use their influence to push for stronger laws, adequate funding, and community engagement to address all forms of violence against women and girls.
Culture is not a relic; it is a living promise we renew with each generation. As guardians of that promise, Africa’s traditional leaders can be the champions of a continental transformation: from harmful silence to protective speech, from permissive norms to zero tolerance. If we act with urgency and unity, a life free from violence can become every African woman’s and girl’s lived reality.

Maxime Houinato is the UN Women Regional Director for West and Central Africa, providing strategic leadership across 24 countries to advance gender equality, strengthen women’s rights, and accelerate the elimination of violence against women and girls. In this role, he guides UN Women’s regional programmes on women’s economic empowerment, governance and political participation, humanitarian action, and the prevention and response to gender‑based violence.

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