Uncategorized
Update: 2023 Ambitious, AGF, Malami, manipulating the Federal High Court, Says Femi Falana
Mr Falana said the AGF, despite being a defendant in all the cases, did not draw the attention of both Ibadan and Umuahia divisions of the Federal High Court to the Abuja division’s restraining order concerning section 84(12) of the Electoral Act.
ByAmeh Ejekwonyilo March 27, 2022 6 min read
Human rights lawyer, Femi Falana, on Sunday, accused the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, of manipulating the Federal High Court into issuing conflicting decisions on section 84(12) of the new Electoral Act 2022.
Mr Falana said Mr Malami pretended not to be aware of the restraining order of the Federal High Court in Abuja barring him and others from tampering with the legal provision but vowed to implement that of the Umuahia division of the court which ordered the deletion of the clause from the law.
The Senior Advocate of Nigeria, in a statement providing some details of the decisions of three divisions of the Federal High Court on the matter, blamed Mr Malami for allegedly manipulating the court into issuing the conflicting orders. He said Mr Malami, cannot, therefore, pick and choose which of the orders to obey or disobey.
“It is trite that the Attorney-General cannot choose and pick the orders of the court to obey or disobey.
“More so, when it is undoubtedly clear that the Attorney-General deliberately set out to manipulate the Federal High Court to issue conflicting orders in a desperate move to annul section 84(12) of the Electoral Act,” Mr Falana said.
The division of the federal court in Umuahia, Abia State, had on March 18, nullified Section 84(12) of the Electoral Act — a decision that sits well with President Muhammadu Buhari’s earlier protest against the controversial legal provision.
The novel statutory provision had prohibited political appointees from voting as delegates in party conventions or congresses for the election or nomination of candidates.
In her verdict, the judge, Evelyn Anyadike, held that the section was “unconstitutional, invalid, illegal, null, void and of no effect whatsoever” and ordered the AGF who was the sole defendant in the suit, to “forthwith delete the said Subsection 12 of Section 84 from the body of the Electoral Act, 2022.”
She anchored her decision on the grounds that the provision conflicted with the constitutional provision that already gives political appointees who intend to contest in an election to resign at least 30 days to the election.
Many lawyers have faulted this reasoning, arguing that political appointees are not part of the category of persons required by the constitution to resign at least 30 days to the election.
Mr Malami was picked as the sole defendant in the suit filed by Nduka Edede, a member of the Action Alliance (AA), a fringe political party in Nigeria.
The AGF has shown extra-ordinary interest in ensuring the striking down of the section 84(12) of the Electoral Act, which would have forced him out of office early to realise what is believed to be his ambition to contest the 2023 governorship election in Kebbi State, his home state.
‘Malami engaged in forum shopping’
But chronicling two previous rulings of the Federal High Court in Abuja and Ibadan, Oyo State, on the same matter, Mr Falana, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), said Mr Malami desecrated the office of the AGF by engaging in “forum shopping” to get a favourable verdict.
“No doubt, this is the first time in the entire history of Nigeria that the office of the Attorney-General of the Federation has engaged in forum shopping for favourable orders of the Federal High Court or any other court. It is high time the dangerous manipulation of the Federal High Court was stopped as the nation prepares for the 2023 General Elections,” a statement issued on Sunday by Mr Falana.
The human rights lawyer pointed out that while the Abuja court barred Mr Buhari, the AGF and the National Assembly from tampering with the newly amended Electoral Act, the Ibadan division of the federal court declined jurisdiction on the matter.
On March 8, 2022, Inyang Ekwo, the judge, had in a ruling on an ex parte application by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), held that the amended Electoral Act, having become a valid law, must not be unduly tampered with.
Specifically, the court restrained President Buhari, the AGF and the National Assembly and other defendants in the suit from removing section 84 (12) of the Electoral Act or prevent it from being implemented for the purpose of the 2023 general elections.
However, when the suit with the same issues arose in Umuahia, Mr Falana lamented the AGF who was the sole defendant in the case, refused to draw Mrs Anyadike’s attention to the two preceding rulings of her colleagues in Abuja and Umuahia.
Mr Falana listed the other suits in which the two preceding rulings had been delivered to include one filed in Abuja with suit number, FHC/ABJ/CS/247/2002 (PDP versus President, Federal Republic of Nigeria & 8 others).
The other, he said, was filed in Ibadan, Oyo State, with suit number, FHC/IB/CS/32/2022 (Chief Oyewole Bolanle versus Attorney-General of the Federation).
“From the foregoing, it is crystal clear that even though the two lawyers who represented the Plaintiffs in Suit Nos FHC/IB/CS/32/2022: CHIEF OYEWOLE BOLANLE v ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE FEDERATION and FHC/UM/CS/26/2002: CHIEF NDUKA EDEDE v ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE FEDERATION are based in Ibadan, Oyo State and Umuahia, Abia State, the two cases filed by them were similar in every material particular.
“Hence, the two questions formulated for determination and the four similar reliefs sought by their clients in the two cases filed at the Ibadan and Umuahia judicial divisions of the Federal High Court are in pari material.
“Even though the plaintiffs are different the Attorney-General of the Federation is the sole defendant in both cases. It is doubtful if the similarities in the two cases can be said to be mere coincidence,” Mr Falana said.
The senior lawyer said the AGF, despite being a defendant in all the cases, did not draw the attention of both Ibadan and Umuahia divisions of the Federal High Court to the Abuja division’s restraining order.
“Neither did the Attorney-General disclose to the Umuahia judicial division of the Federal High Court that the Ibadan judicial division had struck out a similar case for want of locus standi,” he added.
He also said the judge in the Umuahia division “ought to have struck out the fresh case before her as it constituted a gross abuse of court process” given that the case pending at the Ibadan judicial division of the court “was well reported in the print and electronic media”.
This, again, highlights the perennial issues of conflicting court orders emanating from the Nigerian courts of coordinate jurisdiction, a matter that the National Judicial Council (NJC) recently sanctioned some judges for.
‘Why Umuahia judgement can’t be enforced’
Hours after the court in Umuahia handed down its verdict, Mr Malami issued a celebratory statement vowing to implement Mrs Anyadike’s orders by deleting the legal provision which he described as “offensive” from the law.
Mr Falana further queried Mr Malami’s speed in enforcing the latest ruling while pretending not to be aware of the earlier restraining order issued against him and others over the same issue.
“It is pertinent to note that while the Attorney-General of the Federation pretended not to know about the order of interim injunction granted by the Abuja Judicial Division of the Federal High Court, he has announced the plan of the Federal Government to comply with the judgment delivered in the Umuahia case as soon as possible
“However, the Attorney-General of the Federation (Malami), the Defendant in both cases did not draw the attention of both Ibadan and Umuahia Judicial Divisions of the Federal High Court to the fact that the Abuja Judicial Division of the same Court had, on March 7, 2022, restrained himself, President Buhari, National Assembly and the Independent National Electoral Commission from refusing to implement the provisions of Section 84(12) of the Electoral Act, 2022,” the lawyer noted.
Should Mr Malami go ahead to delete the provision as he vowed to do, Mr Falana said the AGF risks facing the consequence of contempt of court.
“However, if the Attorney-General goes ahead to delete section 84(12) of the Electoral Act he would be liable to be committed for contempt ex facie curiae as the Abuja Judicial Division of the Federal High Court has restrained him and other defendants from ‘from enforcing the provisions of the said Electoral Act, 2022 including the provisions of Section 84(12) of the said Act pending the determination of the motion on notice for an interlocutory injunction’,” Mr Falana said.
He added: “We submit, without any fear of contradiction, that unless the valid and subsisting order of the Abuja Judicial Division of the Federal High Court is set aside either by the trial Judge or an Appellate Court the Attorney-General of the Federation cannot DELETE section 84(12) of the Electoral Act.”
Malami denies Falana’s allegation
Mr Malami on Sunday denied Mr Falana’s allegation when contacted by our reporter on Sunday, insisting that his actions are all in compliance with the law.
“It only takes the figment of the imagination of mischief makers to think or assume that the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice will stoop so low to do what they claimed,” a statement by Umar Gwandu, the AGF’s spokesperson, read in part.
While pledging Mr Malami’s “commitment to ensuring justice, equity, fair play” in the discharge of his responsibilities, Mr Gwandu said the AGF “was made a defendant in the case” concerning the new Electoral Act.”
He advised Nigerians “to refrain from making ‘unsubstantiably’ fabricated conjectures targeted at mischievously casting aspersions on personalities to score ulterior motives.”
“The Attorney General of the Federation is a strong advocate of equality before the law and non-discriminatory universal application of laws that do not disenfranchise citizens and not contradict the provisions of the Constitution and the extant laws,” the statement added.
Mr Malami had, at other time, insisted that his position on the controversial legal provision was in defence of constitutionalism and protection of the constitutional rights of every Nigerian to vote and be voted for in elections.
news
Taiwan in the Crossfire of History, Law, and Power: A Feature Analysis of Competing Claims and the One-China Question
![]()
By Michael Olukayode
The status of Taiwan remains one of the most enduring and strategically sensitive disputes in modern international relations — a question where history, law, identity, and geopolitics collide without easy resolution. It is not merely a territorial disagreement between Beijing and Taipei; it is a layered contest over legitimacy, sovereignty, and the meaning of statehood in a shifting global order.
Across recent scholarly salons and policy interventions in Africa and beyond — particularly the Abuja media salon hosted by the China General Chamber of Commerce in Nigeria — a striking convergence has emerged around the One-China Principle, even as interpretations of its implications remain sharply contested.
The Historical Fault Line: 1949 and the Birth of Two Political Realities
The modern Taiwan question originates in the Chinese Civil War, which ended in 1949 with the Communist Party of China establishing the People’s Republic of China on the mainland while the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) government retreated to Taiwan.
As Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim forcefully stated at the Abuja salon:
“Taiwan is not a sovereign entity, it has no independence and it is not a member of the United Nations.”
From Beijing’s perspective, this was not the creation of two states but the continuation of one China under different administrations.
This position aligns with the broader Chinese narrative repeatedly emphasized in diplomatic discourse, including the categorical assertion that:
“Taiwan has never been a country, was never one in the past, and will never be one in the future.”
Taiwan, however, evolved in a very different direction. Over decades, it developed into a functioning democratic polity with its own political institutions, elections, military structure, and constitutional governance.
This divergence produces what scholars describe as a central paradox: a de facto state operating with constrained de jure recognition, facing a sovereign claim from a rising global power.
The Legal Architecture: UN Resolution 2758 and Competing Interpretations
A cornerstone of Beijing’s argument is United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, which restored China’s seat at the United Nations in 1971.
At the Abuja salon, Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim insisted:
“This resolution has explicitly established… that there is only one seat for China in the United Nations, leaving no room for ‘two Chinas’ or ‘one China, one Taiwan’.”
From this perspective, Taiwan is not a separate subject of international law but part of China whose representation is subsumed under Beijing.
Taiwan and its supporters contest this interpretation, arguing that Resolution 2758 addresses representation — not sovereignty — leaving Taiwan’s political status deliberately unresolved.
This legal ambiguity has become what many scholars now describe as structured uncertainty, sustaining diplomatic flexibility while preventing formal resolution.
Beijing’s Position: Sovereignty, Reunification, and Historical Mission
China’s position is rooted in sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national rejuvenation.
As reiterated by President Xi Jinping:
“The great tide of compatriots on both sides of the strait becoming closer, more connected and coming together will not change. This is the verdict of history.”
In Chinese official discourse, reunification is not framed as a negotiable issue but as a historical inevitability tied to national revival.
This perspective was reinforced in Abuja by African analysts who align with Beijing’s framing of sovereignty as non-negotiable, with Professor Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim emphasizing that Africa’s diplomatic alignment reflects a global consensus increasingly anchored in the One-China Principle.
Taiwan’s Position: Democracy, Identity, and De Facto Sovereignty
Taiwan’s position rests on lived political reality and democratic self-governance.
While officially still called the Republic of China, Taiwan functions as an independent political system with its own elections, judiciary, military, and constitution.
Its leadership under President Lai Ching-te emphasizes Taiwan’s distinct political identity and rejects Beijing’s sovereignty claims.
From Beijing’s perspective, this is framed as separatism. From Taiwan’s perspective, it is democratic self-determination.
The result is a deeply entrenched ideological divide: territorial integrity versus political identity.
Strategic Ambiguity and Global Power Politics
A critical dimension of the Taiwan issue is the role of external powers, particularly the United States.
Washington’s policy of strategic ambiguity — recognizing the One-China framework while maintaining unofficial relations with Taiwan — is widely seen as both stabilizing and contradictory.
At the Abuja salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim and other speakers framed external engagement with Taiwan as part of what they described as “separatist encouragement,” while emphasizing African alignment with Beijing’s position.
Africa’s Diplomatic Alignment and the One-China Consensus
A recurring theme in Abuja was overwhelming African diplomatic alignment with Beijing.
As multiple presenters emphasized:
“As of May 2026, 53 out of 54 African nations adhere to the One-China policy.”
The only exception remains Eswatini.
At the salon, Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim argued that this position reflects historical continuity in African diplomacy:
“African nations have consistently stood with China on issues concerning its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
Dr. Segun Showunmi, who is an Ace Public affairs analyst and social impact expert, with experience in governance, policy and civic engagement added that this alignment is not merely political but developmental:
“That consistency created trust and in international politics, trust often translates into investment, infrastructure, and strategic cooperation.”
The Abuja Diplomatic Intervention: China’s Official Position
A defining moment of the salon came from the representative of the Chinese state — the Counsellor of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Nigeria, Ms.Dong Hairong— who reiterated Beijing’s formal position in unambiguous terms:
“There is only one China in the world, and Taiwan is an inalienable part of China.”
This intervention anchored the entire discussion within the framework of Chinese sovereignty doctrine and reinforced that diplomatic relations with China are premised on acceptance of the One-China Principle.
⸻
Prof. Sam Amadi: Strategic Ambiguity as Diplomatic Reality
Professor Sam Amadi, a policy strategist and law and governance expert, Director, Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts,
introduced a more analytical framing, arguing that global practice is defined not by clarity but by managed contradiction.
He stated:
“The One-China principle and One-China policy are clear, but difficult to operationalise.”
He further explained:
“What we have today is strategic ambiguity… meaning they acknowledge, but at the same time, they engage.”
For Amadi, the central question for Africa is not ideological but practical:
“Should we foreclose ambiguity and advance a straight One-China principle, which will exclude all kinds of trade and engagement with Taiwan?”
His conclusion favored diplomatic exclusivity with calibrated economic engagement.
Strategic Realism: Why the Status Quo Persists
Despite rhetorical intensity, the Taiwan issue persists in its unresolved form due to structural constraints:
* China cannot accept formal separation without undermining sovereignty doctrine
* Taiwan cannot accept reunification without losing political autonomy
* The United States benefits strategically from ambiguity
* African states largely align diplomatically with Beijing while prioritizing development ties
As Professor Amadi summarized:
“We acknowledge these principles, but we go back there and also deal with Taiwan in trade… using strategic ambiguity.”
Conclusion: History as Contest, Diplomacy as Equilibrium
The Abuja salon underscored a broader truth about the Taiwan question: it is not merely a territorial dispute but a global governance dilemma.
On one side stands China’s categorical assertion, echoed in Abuja:
“There is only one China.”
On the other stands Taiwan’s democratic identity and de facto autonomy.
Between them lies a global system that simultaneously enforces principle and tolerates ambiguity.
As reflected across the Abuja interventions, including those of Prof. Sheriff Ghali Ibrahim, Dr. Segun Showunmi, Prof. Sam Amadi, and the Chinese diplomatic Counsellor, the Taiwan question endures not because it lacks answers — but because every available answer carries strategic consequences the world is unwilling to fully accept.
And so Taiwan remains what it has become in the 21st century: not only a territorial dispute, but a permanent stress test of international order itself.
news
Update : Tinubu Set to Intensify Fight Against Terrorists and Bandits with Establishment of Forest Guards
….Thousands to be hired, trained, equipped
…..CDS: we’re deploying fresh strategies
The Federal Government is set to take the battle against terrorists and bandits to the forests.
The plan is to reclaim vast forestlands from criminal elements.
There are 1,129 documented forests.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has approved the establishment and deployment of forest guards.
The initiative, according to Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communication, Mr. Sunday Dare, is intended to flush out terrorists and criminal gangs who have used forests as havens.
Dare, in a post on his verified X handle, @SundayDareSD, said the recruitment drive will be carried out by the federal and state governments.
The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) and the Ministry of Environment will provide oversight, he said.
According to him, the President directed that the forest guards be professionally trained and properly armed to meet the security challenges within the country’s forests, many of which have been exploited by kidnappers, bandits, and insurgents in recent years.
President Tinubu, Dare added, reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to securing every inch of Nigerian territory, declaring that no part of the country would be abandoned to lawlessness.
“To secure the country’s forests, President Tinubu has approved the establishment of forest guards to secure Nigeria’s 1,129 forests.
“Thousands of young Nigerians are expected to be employed for the initiative.
“President Tinubu reiterated that his administration will not surrender any part of Nigeria’s territory to criminals, vowing to take back the forests,” the statement said.
This latest security initiative is part of the Tinubu Administration’s broader strategy to address the root causes of insecurity while simultaneously providing employment opportunities.
The recruitment process is expected to begin soon, with details on application and training to be jointly released by the supervising agencies, it was learnt.
The initiative, described as laudable, is also seen as a way of complementing existing security operations and environmental protection strategies.
The Northern Christian Youth Professionals (NCYP) hailed the initiative, describing it as a bold step towards ending the insecurity ravaging forested regions, according to a statement by its Chairman, Isaac Abrak.
It cautioned against the politicisation of the guards’ recruitment.
Also, the Arewa Think Tank (ATT) said it was hopeful that the forest guards would boost security.
In a statement by its Convener, Muhammad Alhaji Yakubu, it said: “We must say with the air of pride and satisfaction that we now have a President who is very close to the people, who does not detach himself from the people he is governing, who is feeling the pulse of the nation and providing remedy to it.
“We must also say that this move by Mr. President is very unprecedented and creative. We urge him to keep it up for the benefit of the people.
“We advise that the recruitment of these guards should be a collaborative security effort between the federal and state governments.”
Country Director/Principal Representative of German Initiative for Knowledge Transfer in Nigeria, Obinna Ichita, believes the forest guards will help to curb escalating insecurity across Nigeria.
Ichita, the 2023 deputy governorship candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in Abia, said that by this move, the President had further demonstrated a genuine interest in swiftly addressing the security challenges.
He is hopeful that the forest guards will flush out those suspected foreign elements and their local collaborators, who hide in forests across the country to kidnap and kill innocent people.
Yesterday, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), General Christopher Musa, said the renewed threats by Boko Haram and the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) should not be a cause of great concern.
Boko Haram and ISWAP have launched attacks on some military formations and communities in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states in the Northeast.
General Musa led other security chiefs on an assessment visit to the Theatre Command North East ‘Operation Hadin Kai’.
He visited Giwa Barracks in Maiduguri, where multiple explosions occurred at the Armoury due to heat waves.
The CDS told reporters: “The pockets of renewed attacks should not be a cause of concern as the Nigerian Military and other security agencies are on top of the situation.
“Security is not a one-man business. Let me appeal to all and sundry to key into the fight against Boko Haram/ISWAP, banditry, kidnapping and all other forms of criminality for peace and development of our dear country.
“The Federal Government under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is very much committed to bringing lasting peace and development in all nooks and crannies.
“What we are witnessing here is an eclipse caused by pressure on terrorists in the Sahel region, forcing them to increase attacks in Nigeria, especially around the porous borders of the Lake Chad Basin.
“We are working diligently to address these challenges.
“During my recent trip to Russia, Nigeria maintained a non-aligned stance but engaged with key stakeholders ready to partner with us in this fight.
“We have procured more sophisticated weapons which will soon be deployed alongside new strategies to end the madness of terrorism.”
politics
Update : Lagos Crisis: Details on how DSS interfered in legislative affairs in LSHA, says Hon. Ogundipe.
Our attention has been drawn to a publication by the Department of State Security (DSS) regarding a letter dated 14th February 2025,
“Enhanced Security Measures for LSHA,”
Earlier today, lawmakers and staff of the Lagos State House of Assembly arrived at the Assembly complex to find the offices of the Speaker, the Deputy Speaker, and the Acting Clerk of the House locked and access restricted by operatives of the DSS. Furthermore, the legislative chamber itself was sealed off.
In an apparent effort to justify their actions, the DSS released to the public a letter written by the Acting Clerk of the House, requesting security presence at the Assembly complex.
We wish to categorically state that this is not the first time the House has sought security support from the DSS.
However, it is important to emphasize that in all previous instances, DSS operatives have been stationed at the main gate of the Assembly complex, ensuring that unauthorized persons do not gain entry.
For the avoidance of doubt, at no point did the letter requesting security assistance instruct the DSS to:
– Invade the legislative chamber
– Lock and restrict access to the Speaker’s office
– Lock the office of the Acting Clerk
– Lock the Deputy Speaker’s office
The events of today raise serious concerns about undue interference in legislative affairs. The sanctity of the Lagos State House of Assembly was undermined by armed DSS operatives who actively obstructed lawmakers from performing their constitutional duties.
This act amounts to an infringement on the independence of the legislature and a direct assault on democratic governance.
We reiterate that the lawmakers of the Lagos State House of Assembly have taken a decisive and lawful step in the removal of the former Speaker, Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa. We stand firmly behind the leadership of the Rt. Hon. Speaker, Mojisola Lasbat Meranda, and remain resolute in our commitment to enacting laws that foster the development and progress of Lagos State.
We call on all relevant authorities to investigate this unwarranted restriction on legislative activities and ensure that such incidents do not recur.
*E-signed*
Hon. (Otunba) Ogundipe Stephen Olukayode
*Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security*
-
news6 years agoUPDATE: #ENDSARS: CCTV footage of Lekki shootings intact – Says Sanwo – Olu
-
lifestyle6 years agoFormer Miss World: Mixed reactions trail Agbani Darego’s looks
-
health5 years agoChairman Agege LG, Ganiyu Egunjobi Receives Covid-19 Vaccines
-
lifestyle5 years agoObateru: Celebrating a Quintessential PR Man at 60
-
health6 years agoUPDATE : Nigeria Records 790 new cases of COVID-19
-
health6 years agoBREAKING: Nigeria confirms 663 new cases of COVID-19
-
entertainment1 year agoAshny Set for Valentine Special and new Album ‘ Femme Fatale’
-
news12 months agoBREAKING: Tinubu swears in new NNPCL Board